William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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after the reduplication in the present or perfect or desiderative or intensive
stems, or in derivatives, of the roots oi, oit, ji, hi, han» and in J&guri (y}^);
and han becomes ghn on the elision of a (402, 637). The RV. has
vivakmi from y'vao and vftvakre from }/va£io; and SY. has Bas^^gmahe
(RV. HB^-). And before ran etc. of 3d pi. mid. we have g for radical j
in aargran, asrgram, aBasfgram (all in BY.).

217. Final r[ c of a root or stem, if followed in internal
combination by any other sound than a vowel or semivowel
or nasal, reverts (48) to its original guttural value, and shows
everywhere the same form which a oFi k would show in the
same situation.

Thus, v&kti, uv^tha, v&kiji, vak^yami, vagdhi; vfigbhis,
vftkfu; Qkt&» nkiha, vakt&r.

a. And, as final o becomes k (above 142), the same rule applies
also to o in external combination: thus, -vik oa» vag &pi» va£i me.

Examples of o remaining unchanged in inflection are: ucy&te,
ririord, vfic£» mumuom&he.

218. Final ^ 9 reverts to its original ^ k, in internal

combination, only before the H s of a verbal stem or ending

(whence, by 180, 5f k^) ; before cT t and BT th, it everywhere

becomes ^ 9 (whence, by 197, Tg 9t and "^ 9th) ; before ^ dh,

>T bh, and H su of the loc. pi., as when final (145), it

regularly becomes the lingual mute {Z \ ox "^ 4).

Thus, dvikfata, velqfyami; v&ffi, vift^* didei^tu; dldi4<pii>
vi^Lbhls.



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218—] III. Euphonic Combination. 74

a. But a few roots exhibit the reversion of final 9 to k before
bh and su, and also when final (146): they are dig, d^» Bp|^» and
optionally na^; and vi^ has in V. always vik^u, loc. pi., but v{(,
vi^bhls, etc. Examples are diksam^ita, d^gbhis, h^disptk, n&k
(or nat).

Examples of 9 remaining unchanged before vowels etc. are: vtqi,
vivi9yas9 avigran, a9nomi, va^mi, u^m&si.

b. A 9 remains irregularly unchanged hefore p in the compound vi9p4ti.

219. Final sT j is in one set of words treated like ^ c,
and in another set like ^ o.

Thus, from ynj; dyukthas, dyukta, yufikte, yukti, y6ktra»
yokfyami, ynkfu; yungdhi, dsrugdhvam, yngbhis.

Again, from m^j etc.: imq^k^t, sraki^yami; marij^, m^^t^

a. To the former or yt^-clasa belong (as shown by their quotable
forms) about twenty roots and radical stems: namely, bhaj, saj, ^jraj (not
v.), raj coloTy svnj, majj, nij, tij, vij, 1 and 2 bhuj, ytij, ruj, v|j,
afijy bhafij, 9ifij; ttrj, 8r^» bhif^, &8TJ» — ^l^^^ stems formed with
the suffixes f^ and ij (888. IV), as t^^i^, vajgiij; and ^vQ, though
containing the root yaj.

b. To the latter or mi'j-class belong only about one third as many:
namely, yid» bhrajj, vraj, rSj, bhrltf, mpj, 8|j.

o. A considerable number of j-roots are not placed in circumstances
to exhibit the distinction; but such roots are in part assignable to one or
the other class on the evidence of the related languages. The distinction
appears, namely, only when the J occurs as final, or is followed, either in
inflection or in derivation, by a dental mute (t, th, dh), or, in noun-
inflection, by bh or su. In derivation (above, 216) we find a g some-
times ftom the mpj-class: thus, mftrga, B&rga, etc.; and (216,1) before
Yedlc mid. endings, sas^fgrnahe, as^pgran, etc. (beside Bas^jrire) —
while from the yuj-class occur only yuyrUre, ayujran, bublrajrire,
with j. And MS. has vl9va8^k from l/spj.

220. Final oh falls under the rules of combination almost only
in the root praoh, in which it is treated as if it were 9 (pra9 being,
indeed, its more original form): thus, prak^yami, p|i}t&, and also the
derivative pra9n&. As final and in noun-inflection (before bh and su),
it is changed to the lingual mute: thus, prfti^vlvftka.

a. Mfb*t& is called the participle of muroh, and a gerund m&rtva
is given to the same root. They (with mltrti) must doubtless come firom a
simpler form of the root.

b. Of Jh there is no occurrence: the grammarians require it to
be treated like 0.



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75 COKBINATIOMS OF FINAL Iq^, h. (— 8S3

281. The compound k^ is not infrequent as final of a root (gener-
mHj of demoDBtrably secondary origin), or of a tense-stem (s-aorist:
see below, 878 ff.) ; and, in the not very frequent cases of its internal
eombinatioD, it is treated as if a single sound, following the rules
for 9: thus c&k^e (oakf+Be), oiilqiva; c&^, iMa^^a^^ torft^tam,
as^rfta, tv&^far. As to its treatment when final, see 146.

a. Thus, we are taught by the grammarians to make such forms as
gor&t» sor4<LbliiB, gor&tfu (from gor&k^); and we actually have ^k^
fa^bhis, ^atsu from ^akf or ^a^ (146 b). For jagdha etc. from Vjak^,
see 238 f .

b. In the single anomalous root vra^o, the compound 90 is said to
follow the rales for simple 9. From it are quotable the future vrak^sr&ti,
the gerands vp^fva (AY.) and y^ktvl (RV.)) *^<1 ^he participle (967 c)
vfkn&. Its o rererts to k in the derivative vraska.

222. The loots in final ^ h, like those in sT j, fall into
two classes, exhibiting a similar diversity of treatment, ap-
pearing in the same kinds of combination.

a. In the one class, as duh, we have a reversion of h (as of o)
to a guttural form, and its treatment as if it were still its original gh:
thus, Mlmk^am, dhokfyami; dugdh&n, dugdhd; idhok, dhuk,
dhugbhis, dhnk^u.

b. In the other class, as ruh and sah, we have a guttural re-
version (as of 9) only before b in verb-formation and derivation : thus,
^^TtLkfaty rolq^yami, s&kfiyd, sakf&ni. As final, in external combi-
nation, and in noun-inflection before bh and su, the h i}ike q) becomes
a lingual mute: thus, ttirafa(» p^^tana^fujl ayodhy&h, torasfu^bhis,
tnrfti^fsii. But before a dental mute (t, th, dh) in verb-inflection
and in derivation, its euphonic effect is peculiarly complicated:
it turns the dental into a lingual (as would 9); but it also makes
it sonant and aspirate (as would <}h: see 160): and further, it
disappears itself, and the preceding vowel, if short, is lengthened:
thus, from rub with ta comes ru<pi&, from leh with ti comes 164hi,
from gnh with tar comes g^ii^l^&r, from meh with turn comes m6<}htim,
from Uh with tas or thas comes li<}h&8, from lib with dhvam comes
li<Jihv&m, etc.

0. This is as if we had to assume as transition sound a sonant aspirate
lingual sibilant 9I1, with the euphonic effects of a lingual and of a sonant
pirate (160), itself disappearing under the law of the existing language
which admits no sonant sibilant

223. The roots of the two classes, as shown by their forms found
in use, are:

a. of the first or dub-class: dah^ dib» dub, drub, mub, snib
(and the final of u^Qih is similarly treated) ;



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288 — ] in. Euphonic Combination. 76

b. of the second or ruh-olass : vah» sah, mih, rih or Uh, gnh,
ruh» drfthy tv&h, b^h, badih, 8prh(?).

o. But muh foims also (not in RY.) the participle mucjlia and agent-
nonn mil(}li&r, as well as mugdhi and mugdh&r; and dmh and snili
are allowed by the grammarians to do likewise: such forms as drCL^lia and
enicjlia, however, have not been met with in use.

d. From roots of the ruh-olass we And also in the Veda the forms
gartftn^, nom. sing., and prfii^sdhfk and dadlifk; and hence pnrospfk
(the only occurrence) does not certainly prove Vspph to be of the duh-
class.

e. A number of other h-roots are not proved by their occurring forma
to belong to either class; they, too, are with more or less confidence assigned
to the one or the other by comparison with the related languages.

f. In derivation, before certain suffixes (216), we have gh instead of
h ftom verbs of either class.

g. The root nah comes from original dh instead of gh, and its reversion
is accordingly to a dental mute: thus, natsyami, naddh^ up&n&dbhis*
upfinadyuga, anupfinatka. So also the root grah comes firom (early
Vedic) grabh, and shows labials in many forms and derivatives (though
it is assimilated to other h-roots in the desiderative stem Jigh^k^). In
nice manner, h is used for dh in some of the forms and derivatives of
ydh& put; and farther analogous facts are the stem kaknhd beside
kakabh&, the double imperative ending dhi and hi, and the dative
mihyam beside tubhyam (491).

224. Irregularities of combination are:

a. The vowel x ^ ^^^ lengthened after the loss of the h-element: diut,
d^r^Ui&» t)r4^» b7<}h& (the only cases; and in the Veda their first syllable
has metrical value as heavy or long).

b. The roots vah and sah change their vowel to o instead of leng-
thening it: thus, vo^h&m, vof^ham, vo<Jhiur, 86<}hiim. But firom sah
in the older language forms with ft are more frequent: thus, 8ft4h&» &yll<}iia
(also later), si^hax. The root tf&h changes the vowel of its class-sign
na into e instead of lengthening it: thus, tp^e^hi^ tp^^^u, atfi^et
(the grammarians teach also t^ehmi and t^ekfi: but no such forms are
quotable, and, if ever actually in use, they must have been made by false
analogy with the others).

o. These anomalous vowel-changes seem to stand in connection with
the fact that the cases showing them are the only ones where other than
an alterant vowel (180) comes before the lingualized sibilant representative
of the h. Ck)mpare fo^a^a etc.

d. Apparently by dissimilation, the final of vah in the anomalous
compound ana^vah is changed to d instead of 4: see 404.



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77 Combinations op final f. [—226



The lingual sibilant ^ 9.

225. Since the lingual sibilant, in its usual and normal occurren-
ces, is (182) the product of lingualization of a after certain alterant
Bomids, we might expect final radical 9, when (in rare oases) it comes
to stand where a f cannot maintain itself, to revert to its original,
and be treated as a a would be treated under the same circumstances.
That, however, is true only in a very few instances.

a. Namely, in the prefix dus (evidently identical with ydu^); in
MjiB (adverbially used case-form from VJUf); in (RV.) vivea and &vives,
from v'vlf ; in fifyes (RV.)» f'o™ V^^\ a^^d in ft^is, from 9if as second-
ary fonn of yq&B. All these, except the first two, are more or less open
to qnestion.

226. In general, final liogual ^ 9, in internal combioation,
is treated in the same manner as palatal ^9. Thus:

a. Before t and th it remains unchanged, and the latter are as-
similated: e. g. dvi^\aa, dvlfthaa, dv^ftnm.

This is a common and perfectly natural combination.

b. Before dh, bh, and su, as also in external combination (146),
it becomes a lingual mute; and dh is made lingual (by 198) after it:
®* K- Pii^441ii9 vi<l4hi, vivi<jl4hi, dvi<L<}hvam, dvi^bhfs, dvifs^;
bbinnavitka.

o. So also the dh of dhvam as ending of 2d pi. mid. becomes <}h
After final 9 of a tense-stem, whether the 9 be regarded as lost or as con-
certed to 4 before it (the manuscripts write simply 4hv, not 44bv; bnt
this is ambignons: see 232). Thus, after [^ of s-aorist stems (881 a), asto-
^hvam, av^fjlbvam, oyo<}hvam (the only quotable cases), iVomastOf-i-
dhvaxn etc.; bat aradhvam from ara8 + dhvam. Further, after the 9
of i^-aorist stems (901 a), aindhi^hvam, arti<}hvam, ajani<}hvam,
vopi(}hvam (the only quotable cases), from ajani[^+ dhvam etc. Yet
again, in the preeatiTe (924), as bhavifi^hvam, if, as is probable
Ouifortnnately, no example of this person is quotable from any part of the
Uterature), the precatice-sign B (f ) is to be regarded as present in the form.
According, however, to the Hindu grammarians, the use of <j[h or of dh in
the if-aorist and precative depends on whether the i of if or of if! is or
is not **preceded by a semivowel or h" — which both in itself appears
senseless and is opposed to the evidence of all the quotable forms. Moreover,
the same authorities prescribe the change of dh to <}h, under the same
restriction as to circumstances, in the perf. mid. ending dhve also : in this
case, too, without any conceivable reason; and no example of <}hve in the
^ pi. perf. has been pointed out in the literature.

d. The conversion of f to ( (or 4) ^s final and before bh and su is
parallel with the like conversion of 9, and of j and h in the m^j and ruh



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226—] III. Euphonic Combination. 78

elMses of roots, and perhaps with the occasional change of 8 to t (167-8).
It is a yery infrequent case, occurring (save as it may he assumed in the
case of fai^) only once in RY. and once in AY. (-dvit and -prut), although
those texts have more than 40 roots with final 9; in the Brahmanas,
moreover, have heen noticed further only -prut and vff (QB.), and -^lif
(K.). From piiif, BY. has the anomalous form pii^ak (2d and 3d sing.,
for pina^-s and pinai|^-t).

e. Before s in internal combination (except au of loc. pi.) it be-
comes k: thus, dv^kfi, dvek^yami* ddvikfam,

f. This change is of anomalous phonetic character, and difficult of
explanation. It is also practically of very rare occurrence. The only RV.
examples (apart from pii^ak, above) are viveki^i, from Vvi^ and the
desid. stem ririk^ from yri^; AY. has only dvik^at and dvik^ata,
and the desid. stem ^i^lik^a from y<fli^» Other examples are quotable
from yyk:^ and pif and vi^ (9B. etc.), and qi^ (9^0 » <^^^ ^l^^y *^ ^V
the Hindu grammarians prescribed to be formed from about half-a-dozen
other roots.

Extension and Abbreviation.

227. As a general rule, ch is not allowed by the grammarians
to stand in that form after a vowel, but is to be doubled, becoming
coh (which the manuscripts sometimes write oheh).

a. The various autborides disagree with one another in detail as to
this duplication. According to Panini, eh is doubled within a word after
either a long or a short vowel; and, as initial, necessarily after a short and
after the particles a and ma, and opdonally everywhere after a long. In
RY., initial oh is doubled after a long vowel of a only, and certain special
oases after a short vowel are excepted. For the required usage in the other
Yedic texts, see their several Prati9akhyas. The Eathaka writes for original
oh (not oh from combination of t or n with q: 203) after a vowel
everywhere ^ch. The manuscripts in general write simple oh.

b. Opinions are still at variance as to how far this duplication has
an etymological ground, and how far it is only an acknowledgment of the
fact tbat oh makes a heavy syllable even after a short vowel (makes
^position": 79). As the duplication is accepted and followed by most
European scholars, it will be also adopted in this work in words and sen-
tences (not in roots and stems).

228. After r, any consonant (save a spirant before a vowel) is
by the grammarians either allowed or required to be doubled (an
aspirate, by prefixing the corresponding non-aspirate: 164).

Thus:

r r r r

^\ arka, or ^Rgf arkka; mjU kSrya, or <^\Ul kftryya;
5raf artha, or 5Ir?f arttha; ^ dirgha, or ^T^ dirggha.



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79 Extension and Abbreviation. [—281

a. Some of the euthorltles inelade, along with r, also h or 1 or v, or
more than one of them, in this mle.

b. A donbled consonant after r is very common in manuscripts and
inscriptions, as also in native text-editions and in the earlier editions pre-
pared by European scholars — in later ones, the dnplication is uniyersally
omitted.

0« On the other hand, the manuscripts often write a single consonant
after r where a double one is etymologically required: thus, kftrtikeya,
virtikay for kfirttikeya, vftrttika.

229. The first consonant of a group — whether interior, or initial
after a vowel of a preceding word — is by the grammarians either allowed
or required to be doubled.

a. This duplication is allowed by Panini and required by the Prati9akhyas
— in both, with mention of authorities who deny it altogether. For certain
exceptions, see the Prati^akhyas ; the meaning of the whole matter is too
obscure to Justifjr the giving of details here.

280. Other cases of extension of consonant-groups, required by
some of the grammatical authorities, are the following:

a. Between a non-nasal and a nasal mute, the insertion of so-called
yamas (twins), or nasal counterparts, is taught by the Prati9akhyas (and
assumed in Panini*s commentary) : see APr. 1. 99, note.

b. Between h and a following nasal mote the Prati9akhyas teach the
insertion of a nasal sound called nSaikya: see APr. i. 100, note.

o* Between r and a following consonant the Prati9akhya3 teach the
insertion of a svarabhakti or vatoel-fragment: see APr. i. 101-2, note.

d. Some authorities assume this Insertion only before a spirant; the
others regard it as twice as long before a spirant as before any other con-
sonant — namely, a half or a quarter mora before the former, a quarter or
an eighth before the latter. One (YPr.) admits it after 1 as well as r. It
is variously described as a fragment of the vowel a or of p (or }).

6. The RPr. puts a svarabhakti also between a sonant consonant
and a following mute or spirant; and APr. introduces an element called
Bphotana (distinguisher) between a guttural and a preceding mute of
another class.

f. For one or two other cases of yet more doubtful value, see the
Pratifakhyas.

281. After a nasal, the former of two non-nasal mutes may
be dropped, whether homogeneous only with the nasal, or with both:
thus, yniidhf for yungdhi, snifidhv&m for yu&gdhv&m, fifit&mi for
fifiktdm, paiiti for pa&kti, ohintam for chinttam, blilnth& for
bhintthi, indh6 for inddhd.

a. The abbreviation, allowed by Panini, is required by APr. (the
other Prati9akhyas take no notice of it). It is the more usual practice of
the manuscripts, tiiongh the full group is also often written.



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232~] in. Euphonic Combination. 80

232. In general, a double consonant (including an aspirate which
is doubled by the prefixion of a nonraspirate) in combination with any
other consonant is by the manuscripts written as simple.

a. That is to say, the ordinary usage of the manascripts makes no
difference between those groups in which a phonetic duplication is allowed
by the rules given above (228, 229) and those in which the duplication
is etymological. As every tv after a vowel may also be properly written
ttv, so dattva and tattvd may be, and almost invariably are, written as
datva and tatv&. As k4rtana is also properly k&rttana, so kSrttika
(from k^ti) is written as kSrtika. So in inflection, we have always, for
example, majfia etc., not majjna, from majj&n. Even in composition
and sentence-collocation the same abbreviations are made: thus, hfdyot&
for h^ddyot&; ohin&ty asya for chin&tty asya. Hence it is impossible
to determine by the evidence of written usage whether we should regard
adhvam or addhvam (from |/d8), &dvi<}hvani or &dvi4<}livam (from
ydvif), as the true form of a second person plural.

288. a. Instances are sometimes met with of apparent loss (perhaps
after conversion to a semivowel) of i or u before y or v respectively. Thus,
in the Brahmanas, tu and nii with following vfii etc. often make tirftl,
nvfii (also tvav&y knvSi); and other examples from the older language
are anvart- (anu + y^vart) ; paryan, paryanti, parySy&t, paryfii^a
(pari 4- yan, etc.) ; abhyarti (abhi + iyarti) ; antary&t (antar + iySt) ;
o&rvaCy oSrvSka, c&rvadana (oftru+vfto, etc.); kyknt for kiyant;
dvyoga (dvi + yog^a); anv&» anv&sana ■ (anu + v&, etc.); probably
vyiknoti for vi yunotl (RV.), urv&9i (uru-vaQi), ^{^vari for 9iQa-vari
(RY.); vyain& (vi+y&ma); and the late svar^a for suvan^. More
anomalous abbreviations are the common tpea (tri+TOa); and dv|rea
(dvi-f-q^ca: S.), and trei^ (tri-f-eni: Apast.).

Further, certain cases of the loss of a sibilant require notice. Thus:

b. According to the Hindu grammarians, the b of s-aorist stems is
lost after a short vowel in the 2d and 3d sing, middle: thus, adithftB
and adita (ist sing, adi^i), akq^Jiaa and akpta (1st sing. ak^i). It
is, however, probable that snch cases are to be explained in a different
manner : see 884 a.

e. The s between two mutes is lost in all combinations of the
roots Btha and stambh with the prefix ud: thns, ut thas, utthita,
ut th&paya, i&ttabdha, etc.

d. The same omission is now and then made in other similar cases:
thus oit kambhanena (for sk&mbh-: RV.); tasm&t tute (for state)
and puroruk tuta (for stata: K.); the compounds ^kth& (^k+sthft:
PB.) and utphulifiiga; the derivative utphfila (|/0phal). On the other
hand, we have vidydt stan&yanti (RV.), utsthala, kakutstha, etc.

e. So also the tense-sign of the e-aorist is lost after a final consonant
of a root before the initial consonant of an ending: thus, aohfintta (and



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81 Abbkbviation op Consonant-groups. [—286

foi this, by 281, achftnta) for aohSntsta, ^ftpta for Q&psta, tftptam
for tftpetam, abhftkta for abhftksta, am&uktam for am&ukstaiiu
Tbete are Uie only quotable cases: compare 883.

f* A final of root or tense-stem is in a few instances lost after a
sonant aspirate, and the combination of mutes is then made as if no sibilant
had ever intervened* Thns, from the root ghas, with omission of the
vowel and then of the final sibilant, we have the form gdha (for ghs-ta:
3d sing, mid.), the participle gdha (in agdhid), and the derivative gdhi
(for ghfl-ti; in s^-gdhij; and farther, from the reduplicated form of the
same root, or /Jakf, we have jagdha, jagdhum, Jagdhvft, jagdhi (from
Jaghs-ta etc.); also, in like manner, from baps, reduplication of bhas, the
form babdhfim (for babhs-tftm). According to the Hindu grammarians,
the same utter loss of the aorist-sign 8 takes place after a final sonant
aspirate of a root before an ending beginning with t or th: thus, from
yradb, s-aorist siem ar&uts act. and aruts mid., oome the active dual
and plural persons arftuddham and arftuddhftm and arftuddha, and the
middle singular persons aruddhSa and aruddha. None of the active
forms, however, have been found quotable from the literature, ancient or
modem; and the middle forms admit also of a different explanation: see
834, 888.

Strengthening and Weakening Processes.

234* Under this bead, we take up first the changes that affect
vowels, and then those that affect consonants — adding for convenience's
sake, in each case, a brief notice of the vowel and consonant elements
that have come to bear the apparent office of connectives. 4



Qtugia and Vrddhi.

286, The so-called gui^a- and vrddbi-changes aie^the most
i^^lai and firequent of vowel-changes, being of constant
occunence both in inflection and in derivation.

a. A goi^a-vowel (gui^ secondary quality) diffiets from
the corresponding simple vowel by a prefixed a-element
which is combined with the other according to the usual
rules; a vyddhi-vowel (vyddhi growthy increment) ^ by the
further preflxion of a to the guijia-vowel. Thus, of ^ i or
^ I the corresponding gui^a is (a+i=) ^ e; the correspond-
ing vrddhi is (a + e^*^ &i. But in all gunating processes
^ a remains unchanged — or, as it is sometimes expressed,

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 6



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■] III. Euphonic Combination. 82

9 a is its own gxu^ta; ^ ft, of course, remains unchanged
for both guii^a and vrddhi.

236. The series of corresponding degrees is then as

follows:

simple vowel aft ii uu x \
gtma aft e o ar al

▼rddhi ft fti ftu ftr

a. There Is nowhere any occurrence of f In a situation to undergo
either gui^ or iqpddhi-change ; nor does ) (26) ever suffer change to
vfddhl. TheoreticaUy, f would have the same changes as ^ ; and the
iqpddlii of } would be ftl.

b. In secondary derivatiyes requiring iqpddlii of the first syllable
(1204), the o of go (361 o) is strengthened to gftu: thus, gftumata,

237. The historical relations of the members of each Towel-series are
still matters of some difference of opinion. From the special point of view
of the Sanskrit, the simple vowels wear the aspect of being in general the
original or fundamental ones, and the others of being products of their
increment or strengthening, in two several degrees — so that the rules of
formation direct a, i, u, 7, } to be raised to gtujia or y^ddhi respectively,
under specified conditions. But x I^as long been so clearly seen to come
by abbreviation or weakening from an earlier ar (or ra) that many European



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