William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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grammarians have preferred to treat the guji^-forms as the original and
the other as the derivative. Thus, for example: instead of assuming certain
roots to be bhf and iqpdh, and making from them bharati and vardhati,
and bh^^ and v^dha, by the same rules which from bhQ and ni and
from budh and dt form bhavati and najatif bodhati and oetati,
bhuta and nita, buddha and citta — they assume bhar and vardh to
be tlie roots, and give the rules of formation for them in reverse. In this
work, as already stated (104 e), the |p-form is preferred.

238. The cni^ia-increment is an Indo-European phenomenon, and
is in many cases seen to occur in connection with an accent on the
increased syllable. It is found —

a. In root-syllables: either in inflectloD, as dv^f^ from ydvi^,
d6hmi from |/duli; or in derivation, as dv^^a, dohas, dv6i}(iun,

b. In formatiye elements: either conjngational class-signs, as
tan6mi from tanu ; or suffixes of derivation, in inflection or in further
derivation, as mat&ye from mat{, bhan&vas from bhftnu, pit&ram
from pit( (or pit&r), hantavya from h&ntn.

239. The v^ddhi-increment is specifically Indian, and its occur-
rence is less frequent and regalar. It is found —

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38 Gui^A AND Vbddhi. [—842

a. In root and suffix-syllables, instead of gn^: thus, stftuti
from v^stn, 8&khft3ram from s&khi, infti^am from ytl^ Av^i^^nin^
and kfir&yati and Urya from ylqp (or kar), dfttaram from datt (or

b. EspeciaUy often, in iDitial syllables in secondary derivation:
thus, infina>& from minas, v&idyuti from vidyut, bhaumA from
bhthni, pibthiva from prthivl (1204).

But —

240. The gui^increment does not usually take place in a heavy
syllable ending with a consonant: that is to say, the rules prescribing
gnna in processes of derivation and inflection do not apply to a short
vowel which is Hong by position'^, nor to a long vowel unless it be
final: thus, o^tati from y^oit, but nindati from /nind; n&yati from
Vnl, but jfvatl from yjiv.

a- The vftldbi-increment is not liable to this restriction.

b« Exceptions to the rule are occasionally met with: thus, eh4» ehas
from yih\ he^yftnoiy h64^» ®^) ^o°^ V^4i ^'Of'^ ^<^* froo^ V'o^i
6hate etc from y^ih consider \ and especially, from roots in Iv: dlddva
devifyati, ddvana, etc., from ydiv; tift^eva from i/ftblv; 8rev&y&mi,
ardvuka, from yBtvr — on account of which it is, doubtless, that these
roots are written with iv (div etc.) by the Hindu grammarians, although
they nowhere show a short i. In either verb-forms or derivatives.

c* A few casos occnr of prolongation instead of increment: thus
do^&yati from ydxu^ gdhati from ygnh.

The changes of r (more original ar or ra) are so various as to
call for further description.

241. The increments of ^ are sometimes ra and r&, instead of
ar and fir: namely, especially, where by such reversal a difficult com-
bination of consonants is avoided : thus, from )/dr9, drak^yami and
^drftij^umL; but also pftha and prath, vx^ ^^^ prach, kn>a and

242. In a number of roots (about a dozen quotable ones) ending
in X (^or more original ar), the x changes both with ar, and more
irregulwly, in a part of the forms, with Ir — or also with ur (espe-
cially after a labial, in p^, mf* vr, sporadically in others): which ir
and tir, again, are liable to prolongation into Ir and nr. Thus, for
example, from t^ (or tar), we have tarati, titarti, tatftra, atarifam,
by regular processes; but also tirati, tiryati, tlrtva» -tirya, ton^a,
and even (V.) turyfima> tuturyat, tarturfii^a. The treatment of such
roots has to be described in speaking of each formation.

a« For the purpose of artjflcially indicating this peculiarity of treatment,
snch roots are by the Hindu grammarians written with long f, or with both
r and f : no f actually: appears anywhere among their forms.


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242—] III. Euphonic Combination. 84

b. The (quotable) ^roots are 2kr strew ^ 1 g^ ^*fHfi ^ST swaUow,
1 jy loear outy ty, 1 ^y crush.

c The (quotable) f and f-roots are y, 1 df pierce^ 1 py ^/WZ, 1 my rfic,
2vT choose, Btf, hvy.

d. Forms analogous ivitb these are sometimes made also from other
roots: thus, oir^, oirtvd, oarcuryd, from }/oar; spurdh&n and spur^
dli&se from yspydh.

243. In a few cases y comes from the contraction of other syllables
than ar and ra: thus, in tqrta and tqptlya, from ri; In 9fnu, from ru; in
bhykuti, from ru.


244. Vowel-lengthening concerns especially i and u, since the
lengthening of a is in part (except where in eyident analogy with
that of i and u) indistinguishable from its increment, and x is made
long only in certain plural cases of stems in x (or ar: 369 ff.). Length-
ening is a much more irregular and sporadic change than increment,
and its cases will in general be left to be pointed out in connection
with the processes of inflection and derivation: a few only will be
mentioned here.

245. a. Final radical 1 and u are especially liable to prolongation
before y: as in passive and gerand and so on.

b. Final radical ir and ur (from variable f-roots: 242) are liable to
prolongation before all consonants except those of personal endings: namely,
before y and tvA and na: and in declension before bh and B (392).
Radical is has the same prolongation in declension (392).

246. Compensatory lengthening, or absorption by a vowel of the time
of a lost following consonant, is by no means common. Certain Instances
of it have been pointed out above (179, 198 c, d, 199 d, 222 b). Perhaps
such cases as pit& for pitarB (371 a) and dhani for dhanins (439) are
to be classed here.

247. The final vowel of a former member of a compound is often
made long, especially in the Yeda. Prolongations of final a, and before v,
are most frequent ^ but cases are found of every variety. Examples are:
devftvl, vayunftvid, prfivf^, ^ftvasu, {ndrftvant» Badan&B&d, Qata-
magha, vlfvanara, ^kada^a; apijA, pari^&h» vlrudh, tavimagh&»
tvii^imant, 9&ktivant; vasujA, anurudh, Bum&ya, puruv&su.) |

248. In the Veda, the final vowel of a word — generally a, much
less often i and u — is in a large number of cases prolonged. Usually
the prolongation takes place where it is favored by the metre, but some-
times even where the metre opposes the change (for details, see the yarioua

Words of which the finals are thus treated are:

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a. Particles: namely, y&thft,] &dha, eva, utt» gh^ hfi, iha, ivft, ^"^^ ^'
eS» ema, nS, aiigfi, kflA, &tr&, y&trd, t&tra» kutrft, any&tr&» ubhay- j^ •^*^-*<^^>''^ u
4tr8, adya, &ooha» &p&, pra; &ti, nl, y&di, nahl, abhl, vf ; a, td,
ni^ sA, mak^A.

b. Gase-fonuB: especially instr. sing., as ena, t^n&y y6nft, Bv6n&,
and others; rarely gen. siug., as asyfty haru^isya. Gases besides these
are few: so sdnft, vr^abhft, hariyojanft (voc); tanvi (loc); and urfi
and (not rarely) purfi.

o. Verh-forms ending in a, in great number and variety: thus (nearly
in the order of their comparatiTe frequency), 2d sing. impy. act., as pibft,
oya, gamayft, dhfir^fi;~2d pi. act. in ta and tha, as sthft, attft,
bibhrtft, JayatS, ^fi^utft, anadatft, nayathft, Jivayathft (and one or
two in tana: aviftanft, hantanft); — 1st pi. act. in ma, as vidmft,
rlfSmft, ^^dhyAmfty ruhemft, vaniiy&m&, oakpnd, mamifjmft; —
Id sing. impT. mid. in ava, as yuk^va, i(^bv&, dadhi^vd, vahasvft;
— 1st and 3d sing. perf. act., as vedfi, vive^ft, jagrabhft; 2d sing. perf.
act., vetthft; — 2d pi. perf. act., anajft, cakrft. Of Terb-forms ending
in i, .only the 2d sing. impy. act. : thus, kfdtai» Iq^uhl, Iq^idhl, ^rudhi,
9P^udhi, 9p^uhi, didibi, jahl.

d. To these may be added the gerund in ya (993 a), as abhigdryft,


249. The alteration of short a to an i- or u-vowel in the formative
procewea of the language, except in {> or ar roots (as explained above);
is a sporadic phenomenon only.

850. But the lightening of a long & especially to an i-vowel
(as also its loss), is a frequent process; no other vowel is so nn-

a. Of the class-sign nfi (of the kri-class of verbs: 717 ff.), the
ft is in weak forms Changed to i, and before vowel-endings dropped alto-
gether. The final ft of certain roots is treated in the same manner: thus,
mfty hft, etc. (862-6). And from some roots, ft- and i- or i-forms so
interchange that it is difficult to classify them or to determine the true
character of the root

b. Radical ft is weakened to the semblance of the union-vowel i in
certain verbal forms: as perfect dadima from ydS etc (794k); aorist
adhithfts from ydhSL etc. (884 a); present jahlmas from yhSL etc. (666).

o. Radical ft is shortened to the semblance of stem-a in a number
reduplicated forms, as tiftlia» piba, dada, etc.: see 671-4; also in a
few aorists, as ^hvam, &khyam, etc.: see 847.

d. Radical ft sometimes becomes e, especially before y : as stheyftsam,

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261—] III. Euphonic Combination. 86

261. Oertain ft*Toot8, because of tbeir peenliai exchanges with i and
i-fonns, especially in forming the present stem, are giren by the Hindu
grammarians as roots ending in e or Si or o. Thus, f^om 2 dhS suek (dhe)
come the present dh&yati and participle and gerand dhlti, dbltvi; the
other forms are made from dhft, as dadhus» adhftt* dhftsyati, dhatove*
dhftpayati. From 2gft sing (gfii) come the present gayati, the parti-
ciple and gerund git& and gitva, and passive giy&te, and the other forms
ftrom gft. From 3 dft cut (do) come the present dy4ti and participle dit&
or din&, and the other forms from dft. The irregularities of these roots
will be treated below, under the various formations (see especially 761 d if.)*

262. By a process of abbreviation essentially akin with that of ar or
ra to Xi the va (usually initial) of a number of roots becomes n, and the
ya of a much smaller number becomes i, in certain verbal forms and deriv-
atives. Thus, from vao come uvaoa, uoyasam, uktv^ uktd, iikd*
ukth&y etc. ; from yaj come iy^a, iJyaBam, i^fva, if^fi, £}(i» etc. See
below, under the various formations.

a. To this change is given by European grammarians the name of
Bazhprasftrai^, by adaptation of a term used in the native grammar.

268. A short a, of root or ending, is not infrequently lost between
consonants in a weakened syllable: thus, in verb-forms, ghn&nti» &paptaxii»
jagm&5i» jajfiiiB, i^jiiata; in noun-forms, r^fie, rf^jSiL

264. Union-vowels. All the simple vowels come to assume in
certain cases the aspect of union-vowels, or insertions between root or stem
and ending of inflection or of derivation.

a. That character belongs oftenest to i, which is very widely used:
1. before the B of aorist and future and desiderative stems, as in ^Ivi^am,
jivify&ni, jfjivi^Smi; 2. in tense-inflection, especially perfect, as jlji-
vimd; occasionally also present, as dniti, r6diti; 3. in derivation, as
Jivit&» kh&nltmn, janitf, rocifi^iit etc. etc.

b. Long i is used sometimes instead of short: thus, igrahlfaniy
grahi^yami; braviti, vSvadlti; taritf, savitt; it is also often intro-
duced before 8 and t of the 2d and 3d sing, of verbs: thus, asls, asit.

o. For details respecting these, and the more irregular and sporadic
occarrenoes of u- and a-vowels in the same character, see below.

Nasal Increment.

266. Both in roots and in endings, a distinction of stronger and
weaker forms is very often made by the presence or absence of a
nasal element, a nasal mute or anusvSra, before a following con-
sonant In general, the stronger form is doubtless the more original;
but, in the present condition of the language, the nasal has come in
great measure to seem, and to some extent also to be used, as an
actually strengthening element, introduced under oertain conditions
in formative and inflective processes.

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87 Njlbal Ihobembnt. [— 9M

a. Examples aie, of roots: ao and alio, grath and granth, vid
and vind, da^ and daii^, sras and sraAs, d^h and dip&h: of endings,
bhtomtam and bh&ratft, m&nasi and m&nifisi.

256. A final n, whether of stem or o'f root, is less stahle than any
other consonant, where a weaker form is called for: thns, from ri^jan we
haTe rfU& and rfHJabhlB, and in composition ri^a; from HIimiIti, dhanl
and dlianibhis and dh&ni; from ylian we haye hath4 and hat&, etc.
A final radical m is sometimes treated in the same way: thns, from Vgam,
gahi, gat&m, gatA, gAti.

257. Inserted n. On the other hand, the nasal n has come to he
nsed with great — and, in the later history of the language, with increasing
— f^qnency as a nnion-consonant. Inserted between Towels: thns, from agnf,
agnfnft and agnlnam; from mAdhn, m&dhtinaa, mAdhnnf, mAdhOni;
ftom 9ivA, ^irena, ^Iv&ii, Qivbsm.

268. Inserted y. a. After final a of a root, a y is often found as
apparently a mere union-consonant hefore another vowel : thns, in inflection,
Adhiyi etc (844), 9fiy&3rati etc. (1042), (jtviy&B etc. (868 o), g^ati
etc. (761 e); further, in deiiyation, -gSya, -yiyam, dftyaka etc.;
Hsthayika; pfiyAna» -gft3rana; dhayas, -hAyas; sthayin etc. (many
eases); -hitSyin, -tat&yin; sthfiynka.

b. Other more sporadic cases of inserted y — such as that in the
pronoun-forms ayam, iyam, vayam, yOyaniy svayam; and in optative
inflection before an ending beginning vdth a vowel (666) — will be point-
ed out below in their connection.


268. Redaplication of a root (originating doubtless in its com-
plete repetition) has come to be a method of radical increment or
strengthening in various formative processes: namely,

a. in present-stem formation (642 ff.): as d&dftmi» bibh&rmi;

b. in perfect-stem formation, almost universally (782 ff.): astatana,
dadliAu, oak&a, rir6oa» lul6pa;

o. in aorist-stem formation (866 ff.}: as Adidharam, Aouoyavam;

d. in intensive and desiderative-stem formation, throughout (1 000 ff.,
1026ff.): asjAlkghanti, J6haviti, marm^y&te ; plpSaati, JfghSAsati ;

e. in the formation of derivative noun-stems (1143 e): as pApri,
oAroara, sftsahi, oikit^ maUmluoA.

f. Bales for the treatment of the reduplication in these several cases
will be given in the proper connection below.

260. As, by reason of the strengthening and weakening changes
indicated above, the same root or stem not seldom exhibits, in the
processes of inflection and derivation, varieties of stronger and weaker
form, the distinction and description of these varieties forms an im-
portant part of the subjects hereafter to be treated.

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261—] IV. Dbolbnsion. 88



261. The general subject of declension includes nouns, adjectives,
and pronouns, all of which are inflected in essentially the same manner.
But while the correspondence of nouns and adjectives is so close that
they cannot well be separated in treatment (chap. V.}, the pronouns,
which exhibit many pecularities, will be best dealt with in a separate
chapter (VH.) ; and the words designating number, or numerals, also
form a class peculiar enough to require to be presented by them-
selves (chap. VI.).

262. Declensional forms show primarily case and num-
ber; but they also indicate gender — since, though the
distinctions of gender are made partly in the stem itself,
they also appear, to no inconsiderable extent, in the changes
of inflection.

263. Gender. The genders are three, namely mascu-
line, feminine, and neuter, as in the other older Indo-Euro-
pean languages; and they follow in general the same laws
of distribution as, for example, in Greek and Latin.

a. The only words which show no sign of gender-distinction are the
personal pronouns of the first and second person (491), and the nomerals
above four (483).

264. Number. The numbers are three — singular, dual,
and plural.

a. A few words are used only in the plural: as dfirfis wifty ipas waier;
the numeral dva two, is dual only ; and, as in other languages, many words
are, hy the nature of their use, found to occur only in the singular.

266. As to the nses of the numbers, it needs only to be remarked
that the dual is (with only very rare and sporadic exceptions) used
strictly in all cases where two objects are logically indicated, whether
directly or by combination of two individuals: thus, 9iv6 te dyt-
v&p^^thivf ubh6 st&m may heaven and earth both bepropitioua to thee!
dftivaih ca mftnuyiifa ca hot&rftu Vf(v& having chosen both the divine
and the human 8acrificer9\ pathor devayftnasya pit^fii^asya ca of
the two paths leading respectively to the gods and to the Fathers.


89 Cases. . [—268

a. The dual is used alone (without dva tico) properly when the
duality of the objects indicated is well understood ; thus, a^vlnau the ttco
Acvtns'y {ndrasya h&ri Indras ttco bm/s; but tasya dv&v a^vftu Btah
he has two horses. But now and then the dual stands alone pregnantly:
thus, vedaih vedftu vedftn vft one Veda or ttco or more than two;
elLaf affe 9ate two hundred and sixty-one.

206. Case. The cases are (including the vocative) eight:
nominative, accusative, instrumental, dative, ablative, gen-
itive, locative, and vocative.

a. The order in which they are here mentioned is that established for
them by the Hindu grammarians, and accepted from these by Western
scholars. The Hindu names of the cases are founded on this order: the
nominative is called prathamft ^r«^, the accusative dvitiyfi second^ the
genitive safthl sixth (sc. vibhakti division, i. e. case\ etc. The object
•ought in the arrangement is simply to set next to one another those cases
which are to a greater or less extent, in oi^ or another number, identical
in form; and, putting the nominative ^ftst, a» leading case, there is no
other order by which that object cgsld be attained. The vocative is not
considered and named by the native grammarians as a case like the rest;
in this work, it will be given in the singular (where alone it is ever dis-
tinguished from the nominative otherwise than by accent) at the end of the
series of cases.

A compendious statement of the uses of the cases is given in
the following pacftgraphs:

267. Uses of the Nominative. The nominative is the case
of the subject of the sentence, and of any word qualifying the sub-
ject, whether attribntively, in apposition, or as predicate.

268. One or two peculiar constructions call for notice:

a. A predicate nominative, instead of an objective predicate in the
accusative, is used with middle verb-forms that signify regarding or calling
one's self: thus, 86ina]ii manyate papiv^ (R^O ^ thinks he has been
drinking soma-y ok manyeta puranavit (AY.) he may regard himself as
wise m ancient things; durgad va ftharta 'vocathfil^ (MS.) thou hast
claimed to be a savior out of trouble \ fndro brfihTnaijo bruv&gLsJ^
(TS.) Indra pretending to be a Brahman; katthase satyavftdi (R.) thou
boastest thyself truthful. Similarly with the phrase rlipaiii kp: thus,
kp9a^6 rup&iii k^^a (TS.) taking on a black form (1. e. making shape
for himself as one that is black).

b. A word made by iti (1102) logically predicate to an object is
ordinarily nominative: thus, 8varg6 loka {ti y&xh v&danti (AY.) what
they caU the heavenly world; tarn agni^^ma ity ftoak^ate (AB.) it
they style agni^^oii^' vidarbharajatanayaih damayanti 'ti viddhi
mftm (MBh.) know me for the Vidarbha-king's daughter ^ Damayanti by

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268—] 17. Declension. 90

name. Both oonstniotions are combined in ajiiaih hi balam ity ahu^
pite 'ty ava tu mantradam (M.) for to an ignorani man they give the
name of ^chM, hut that of fMer" to one who unparte the sacred teste,
c A nominative, instead of a second vocative, is sometimes added to
a vooative by oa and: thas, {ndra9 ea 86iiiaih pibataiii bi'haspate
(RY.) together toUh Indra, do ye two drink the soma, O Brhaepati! vl^ve
doTfi y6Jam&iia9 oa sidatft (TS.) O ye AU-Oode^ and the eaerijicer,
take seats!

269. Uses of the acoasatiye. The accnsatiye is especially
the case of the direct object of a transitive verb, and of any word
qualifying that object, as attribute or appositive or objective predi-
cate. The construction of the verb is shared, of course, by its par-
ticiples and infinitives; but also, in Sanskrit, by a number of other
derivatives, having a more or less participial or infinitival character,
and even sometimes by nouns and adjectives. A few preposidons
are accompanied by the accusative. As less direct object, or goal
of motion or action, the accusative is construed especially with verbs
of approach and address. It is found used more adverbially as ad-
junct of place or time or manner; and a host of adverbs are accus-
ative cases in form. Two accusatives are often found as objects of
the same verb.

270. The use of the accnsatiYe as direct object of a transitive verb
and of its inflnitiyes and participles hardly needs illustration; au example
or two are: agnim i<JLo / praise Agni] n&mo bharantah bringing
homage; bht&yo datum arhasi thou shouldsi give more. Of predicate
words qualifying the object, an example is t&m ugr&iii k^i^omi t&iii
brahmai^am (RV.) him I make formidable^ him a priest.

271. Of verbal derivatiyee having so far a participial character that
they share the construction of the verb, the variety is considerable : thus —

a. Deriyatiyes in a from desiderative stems (1038) have wholly the
character of present participles: thus, damayantim abhlpsavah (MBb.)
desiring to win Damaycmi%\ didq^k^ur janak&tmaj&iii (B.) desiring to
see Janakds daughter. Rarely, also, the verbal noun in ft from such a root :
thus, Bvargam abhikfink^ayft (R.) with desire of paradise.

b. So-called primary deriyatiyes in in have the same character: thus,
m^ kfimfni (AY.) ioving me\ enam abhibha^l^I (MBh.) addressing
him. Even the obviously secondary garbhin has in QB. the same con-
struction : thus, B&rvft^i bh^tani garbhy abhavat he became pregnant
with all beings.

0. Derivatives in aka, iu the later language: as, bhavantam abhi-
vftdakal^ (MBh.) intending to salute you\ mithil&m avarodbaka^ (R.)
besieging MUhUd.

d. Nouns in tar, very frequently in the older language, and as peri-
phrastic future forms (942 ff.) in the later: thus, h&ntft y6 V|rtr&lh

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9i Uses op the Accusative. [—278

Bteito t& v^aih datfi ma^iLni (BY.) who slayeth the dragon^ winneth
booty, b€stoweth largessM; t&u hi 'daih sarraih hartftrfta (JB.) for
ihey seiz0 on this universe; tyaktfira^ saihyage prSj^Sn (MBh.) risking
Ufo m baUle.

•. The root itself, in the older language, used with the valae of a
present participle at the end of a compoond : thas, jkAi j^'h&&L pairibh&r
48i (BY.) what offering thou surroundest {proteetest); 4him ap&^ pari-
^fham (BY.) the dr<igon confining the waters. Also a taperlatiTo of a
root-stem (468, 471): thus, tv&ih v&8U devayat^ v&nifthah (BY.) thou
art chief winner of wealth for the pious; ta sdmaxh somapitama (BY.)
tkejf two are the greatest drinkers of soma,

f. The derivative in i from the (especially the reduplicated) root, in
the older language: thus, babhrfr v^raih pap{^ adsiaih dadfr gc^^
(BY.) hearing the thunderbolty drinking the soma, bestowing kine ; yi^iik^an
ftt&nlh (BY.) extending the sacrifice,

g. Derivatives in nka, very frequently in the Brahmana language:
thus, vatsan^ oa ghatuko vfkah (AY.) and the wolf destroys his calves;
vMuko vaso bhavati (IS.) he wins a garment ; kamukft enaiii striyo
bhavanti (MS.) the women faU in love with him.

b. Other cases are more sporadic: thus, derivatives in a, as Indro
d^^4^a eid ftrt^i^ (^^O Indra breaks up even whU is fast; nfii VA
*rliah paitfkaih riktham (M.) by no means entitled to his father's
estate ; — in atnu, as vl^ix old ftridatnabhi^ (BY.) with the breakers
of whatever is strong; — in atha, as y^i&thftya devan (BY.) to make
offering to the gods; — in ana, as taiii nivfirai^e (MBh.) in restraining
him; BvamS&Bam iva bhojane (B.) as if in eating one's own flesh; —
in ani, as sam&tsu turv&i^ Pl^any^ (R^O overcoming foes in
combats; — in ti, as nk tk&i dhurtlh (BY.) there is no injuring him; —

Online LibraryWilliam Dwight WhitneyA Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana → online text (page 11 of 59)