William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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the Intensives (1012): thas, from yliu, present-stem juhu, participle-
stem jdhvat; intensive-stem Johu, Intensive participle-stem J6hvat.
Further, tbe participles of roots apparently containing a contracted redupli-
cation: namely, cikfat, da^at* dasat* 9a8at9 8&9oat; the aorist parti-
ciple dh^ikfat, and vSgh&t(?). Vav^dhint (RY., once), which has the n
notwithstanding its redaplioation, comes, like the desiderative participles
(1032), from a stem in a: compare v&vydh&nta, v&v^dh&sva.

b. Even these verbs are allowed by the grammarians to make the
nom.-acc.-voc. pL neat, in anti.

446. The inflection of these stems is quite regular. The
nom. sing. masc. comes to end in lER an by the regular
(160] loss of the two final consonants from the etymological
form ^T^ ants. The vocative of each gender is like the
nominative.

446. Stems accented on the final syllable throw the accent
forward upon the case-ending in the weakest cases (not in the middle
also).

a. In the dual nent. (as in the feminine stem) from such participles,
the accent is &ntl if the n is retained, ati if it is lost.

447. Examples of declension. As such may serve
H^IH bhdvant bein^y 51^ addnt eating y g^JfT juhvat scurir-

ficing.



N.



A.



D.



Ab. G.



L.



Thus:






Singular:






bh&vau bhdvat


ad4n ad&t


J^vat julivat


bh&vantam bh&vat


*^^\ ^^^


juhvatam jdhvat


bh&vata


adati


jAlivstfi


bh&vata


adat^




bh&vatas


adat&8


j^vatas


bhivaU


adat{


, , Jiihvati



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165



Declension V., DsBiVATiyB Stems in ant. [ — 448



HSR
bh&van
Dual:



bh&vat



&dan



ddat



N.A.V. ^cr#r m^

bhivantfta bh&vanti
LD.Ab.



bh&vadbhyfim



G.L.



N. V.



D. Ab.



G.



bh&vatoB
Plural:

bh&vantas bh&vanti

bhivatas bh&vanti

bh&vadbhis

bh&vadbhyas

bh&vatfim

bh&vatsu



ad&ntfta adati
ad&dbl^ftm
adat6B



ad&ntas



ad&nti
ad&nti



adat&8

ad&dbhis
ad&dbhyas
adatam
ad&tsu



3^

juhvat

juhvatftu Juhvati
juhvadbhy&m
J^vatoB

juhvatas juhvati
jdhvataB juhvati
j^vadbhiB



juhvadbhyaa



pSHTq
ji^vatSm

juhvatBa



a. The fature participle bhavijy&nt may form in nom. etc. dual
nOHter either bhavlfy&nti or bhavifyati; tud&nt, either tud&nl^ or
tudati; yint (y'yft}* either yanti or yfttt And juhvat, in nom. etc.
plural neuter, may make also j^vanti (beside juhvati, as given in
the paradigm above).

b. Bnt these strong forms (as -well as bh&vanti, da., and its like
from present-stems in unaccented a) are quite contrary to general analogy,
and of somewhat doubtful character. No example of them is quotable,
either from the older or from the later language. The cases concerned,
indeed, would be everywhere of rare occurrence.

448* The Yedic derivations from the model as above given are few.
The dual ending &a is only one sixth as common as S. Anomalous accent
is seen in a case or two: aood&te, rathirfty&tftm, and vSgh&dbhiB (if
this is a participle). The only instance in Y. of nom. etc. pi. neut. Is
Binti, with lengthened & (compare the forms In finti, below, 461 a» 464 o);
one or two examples, in anti axe quotable from B.



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449—] V. Nouns and Adjbotivbs. 166

449. The feminme paiticiple-stem, as already stated,
is made by adding ^ I to either the strong or the weak
stem-form of the masc.-neut. The rides as to which of the
two forms shall be taken are the same with those given
above respecting the nom. etc. dual neuter; namely:

a. Participles from tense-Btems ending in unaccented a add I to
the strong stem-form, or make tbeir feminine in antl.

b. Sao¥ are the bhtl or unaccented a-elass and the dXv or ya-class of
present-steqiB (ehap. IX.), and the desideratives and cansatlTea (chap. XIV.) :
thus, from vl>hu (stem bh&va), bh&vantl; from -^dlv (stem divya),
dXvyanti; from bubho^ and bh&v&ya (desid. and cans, of ybh^),
bubhu^antt and bh&v&yanH.

o. ExcepiionB to this rale are now and then met with, eyen from the
earliest period. Thns, BV. has j&rati, and AY. tbe desideratlTe sl^asati;
in B. occur vadati, 90oati, tn>yatl, and in S. further ti^tbati, and the
causatiTe namayati; while in the epics and later such cases (inclnding
desideratlTes and causatiyes) are more numerous (about fifty are quotable),
though still only sporadic.

d. Participles from tense-stems in accented k may add the femin-
ine-sign either to the strong or to the weak stem-form, or may make
their feminines in &nti or in ati (with accent as here noted).

e. Such are the present-stems of the tud or accented &-eUss (761 ft.),
the B-futures (932 fF.), and the denominatiyes (1063ff.): thus, £rom ytad
(stem tud&), tudanti or tudatlj ftom bhavi^yi (fut of i/bhQ), bha-
vify&ntl or bhavifyatl; from devay& (denom. of devi), devay&nti
or devayatl.

f. The forms in &nti from this class are the pieyailing ones. No
future fern, participle in atl is quotable from the older language. From
pres.-stems in k are found there ^a^ and st&cati (BV.)^ tudati and
pinvati (A.V.). From denominatiyes, devayati (BV.), dorasya^ and
9atri:iyati (AV.). In BhP. occurs dhak^yati.

g. Verbs of the ad or root-class (611 ff.) ending in & are giyen
by the grammarians the same option as regards the feminine of the present
participle: thus, from )/yft» yanti or y&^ The older language affords no
example of the former, so far as noted.

h. From other tense-stems than those already specified — that
is to say, from the remaining classes of present-stems and from the
intensives — the feminine is formed in ati (or, if the stem be other-
wise accented than on the final, in a^) only.

L Thus, adati from y^ad; juhvati firom yhu; yuiUati from Vsnd;
Bunvati from ysUy korvatl from ykf; krl^ti from yiui; d^di^atl
from d6di9 (Intens. of y^dig).



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167 Declension V., Derivatitb Stems in ant. [— 45fi

J. Feminine stems of this class are occasionally (bat tbe case is mnch
less frequent than Its opposite: aboTe, o) found witb the nasal: thus,
jiaM (A v., once), und&ntt (^B.; but probably from the secondary A-stem),
gfhi^anti[ (S.), and, in the epics and later, such forms as bruvanti,
mdan^ oinvanti, knrvanti, JftnantI, mu^nantL

450. A few words are participial in form and inflection, though
not in meaning. Thas:

a. brli&nt (often written vrh&nt) great; it is inflected like a
participle (with b^hatl and b^h^nti in du. and pi. neat.).

b. mah&nt great; inflected like a participle, but with the irreg-
ularity that the a of the ending is lengthened in the strong forms:
thas, mah^ mahantam; mahantftu (neat, mahati); mahantas,
mahinti: Instr. mahati etc.

o. pf^asit gpeckkd, and (in Veda only) rd^ant ihining.

d* j&gat mavidtley lively (in the later lang:aage, as neuter noun, world),
a redaplioated formation from Vgam go-, its nom. etc. neat. pi. is allowed
by the grammarians to be only J&ganti.

e. fb&nt small (only once, in RY., ^hat^).

f. All these form their feminine in ati only: thus, b^hatl,
mahsttlt pffati and r^^ti (contrary to the rale for participles),
jii«aa

g. For d&nt tooih^ which is perhaps of participial origin, see aboye,
396.

451, The pronominal adjectives {yant and kfyant are inflected
like adjectives in mant and vant, having (452) fyftn and kfyftn as
nom. masc. sing., {yati and kfyati as nom. etc. da. neat, and as
feminine stems, and iyanti and kiyanti as nom. etc. plar. neat

a. But the neut pT. fySnti and the loc. sing.(?) IdySti are found
in RV.

2. PoBsesslves in in«at ttnd vant*
462. The adjectives formed by these two suffixes are
inflected precisely alike, and very nearly like the participles
in 3E|tT ant. From the latter they differ only by lengthening
the SET a in the nom. sing. masc.

a. Tbe voc. sing, is in an, like that of the participle (in the
later language, namely: ior that of the oldest, see below, 464 b).
The neat. nom. etc. are in the dual only ati (or &tl}, and in the plaral
anti (or &nti).

b. The feminine is always tiade fron the weak stem: ttras mati[,
v«ti (or Bi4ti, v^tl). One or two oases of ni instead of I are met
with: thus, antisrvatnl (B. and later), pativatni (C).



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45fiH



V. Nouns and Adjectives.



168



o. The aeoent, however, is never thrown forward (as in the
participle) npon the case-ending or the feminine ending.

468. To illustrate the inflection of such stems, it will

be sufficient to give a part of the forms of MiMHrl pa9um&nt

possessing cattle, and HIRH bhdgavant fortunate, blessed.

Thus:



N.



N.A.V.



N. V.



I.



Singulai:




m. n.


nu n.


pa^uman pa^um&t


bh&gavSn bh&gavat


MJJIMtW^ M^Hrt^


bh&gavantam bh&gavat


ci^Rrn


jPTSTrn


pa9um4ta


bh&gavatft


etc.


etc.


p&^mnan p&^omat


bh&gavan bhi«avat


Dual:




q«H^ MSMMffl


m^m ^vmi


pa^um&nt&u pa9um&ti


bh&gavantftu bh^vati


etc.


etc.


Ploial:


bh&gavantas bhi«avanti


MSMHrlH^ MiMHirl


pa^um&tas pa^um&nti


bh&gavatas bh&gavanti


pa^um&dbhlB


bh&gavadbhlB


etc.


etc.



464* Ye die Irregularities, a* In dual masc, nom. etc., ft (for
an) is the greatly prerailiug ending.

b. In TOO. sing, masc, the ending in the oldest language (BY.) is
almost always in as instead of an (as in the perfect participle: helow,
462 a) : thus, adrivas, harivas^ bh&nomas, havif mas* Such TooatlTes
in RY. occur more than a hundred times, while not a single unquestlonahle
instance of one in an is to he founds In the other Yedic texts, Tocatiyes
in as are extremely rare (hut bhagravas and its contraction bhagOB are
met with, even in the later language); and in their production of BY.



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169 Declension V., DBRivATiyB Stems in ant. [—458

passages the as is umally changed to an. It was pointed out aboTO (425 g)
that the RY. makes the toc. in as also apparently from a few an-stems.

o. In RY., the nom. etc. pi. neat., in the only two instances that
occur, ends in ftnti instead of anti: thus, gh^vftnti» pa^umanti.
No such forms hare been noted elsewhere in the older language: the SY.
reads anti in its version of the corresponding passages, and a few exam-
ples of the same ending are quotable from the Brahmanas: thus, tftvanti,
etavanti, ytvanti, gh|t&Tanti, pravanti, ftumanti, srugmantL Com-
pare 448, 451.

d* In a few (eight or ten) more or less doubtfal cases, a confusion
of strong and weak forms of stem is made; they are too purely sporadic to
require reporting. The same is true of a case or two where a masculine
form appears to be used with a feminine noun.

465. The stem irvant running^ steed, has the nom. sing, arvft,
from &rvan; and in the older language also the voc. arvan and accus.
Anrfti^ain.

466. Besides the participle bh&vant, there is another stem bh&-
vant, frequently used in respectful address as subititute for the
pronoun of the second person (but construed, of course, with a verb
in the third person), which is formed with the suffix vant, and so
declined, having in the nom. sing, bh&v&n; and the contracted form
bhos of its old-style vocative bhavas is a common exclamation of
address: yoti, sir! Its origin has been variously explained; but it is
doubtless a contraction of bh&gavant.

457. The pronominal adjectives tivant» etivant* yavant, and the
Yedic ivant, movant, tvavant, etc, are inflected like ordinary derivatiTes
from nouns.

F. Perfect Partioiples in vftfiB.

468. The active participles of the perfect tense-system

are quite peculiar as regards the modifications of their stem.

In the strong cases, including the nom.-acc.-voc. pi. neut.,

the form of their suffix is cffn vftfts, which becomes, by

regular process (150), vSn in the nom. sing., and which is

shortened to ^ van in the voc. sing. In the weakest

cases, the suffix is contracted into 3^ uf. In the middle

cases, including the nom.-acc.-voc. neut. sing., it is changed

to oRT vat.

a. A union-vowel i, if present in the strong and middle cases,
disappears in the weakest, before u^.



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459—]



V. Nouns and Adjegtivbs.



170



459. The forms as thus described are masculine and
neuter only; the corresponding feminine is made by adding
^ i to the weakest form of stem, ending thus in 3^ u^I.

460. The accent is always upon the suffix, whatever be its form.

461. Examples of inflection. To show the inflection
of these participles, we may take the stems lifStR TidvS^
knomng (which has irregular loss of the usual reduplication
and of the perfect meaning] from vl^J vid, and clfFSi^f^
tasthiv&fLB having stood from y^SIT sthft.

Singular :



A.



D.



Ab. G.



L.



V.



vidvan vidv&t

vidv^cu&sam vidv&t

vidufA

vldi&fe

vid&^as

vldd^i
vidvan vfdvat



Dual:

N. A. V. t^StSt f^J^

vidva&s&u vidufi
I. D. Ab. iM^dllH ^

vldv&dbhyfim

a. L. i^iNlH^

viduij^B



tasthivin tasthiv&t

tasthiv^sam tasthlv&t

tastho^a

taBtltAf*

HWJMH
tasthu^as

tasth^

t&BthlTan t&athivat



tasthivaAsftu tasthu^
tasthiv&dbhyftia
tasthd^oB



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171



Deglbnsion v., Participles in vftAs.



[— 46S



N. V.



Plural:

vidva^sas

vidui^



Ab. G.



vidviABi tasthivi&saa tctsthiva&si
vidv^si tasthui^ tasthiva&si

tasthlv&dbhis
taBthiv&dbhyaB
tasthi&fftm



tasthiT&tBu



vidv&dbhis

vidv&dbhyas

vidu^fim
L. tqsr^j

vidv&tsu

a. The feminine stems of these two participles are ic<^Ml
vido^ and H^mI tasthiifl.

o

b. Other examples of the different stems are:
from ykf — cak^dAs, oak^r^t, oakruf, oakrufi;
from v^nl — ninlv^s, niniv&t, ninydf, ninyu^i;

from ybhn — babbUva&s, babh^v&t» babh^vuf, babhuvufi;
from ytajx — tenivdAs, teniv&t, tenu^; tenu^i.

462. eu Ib the oldest language (RV.)} the TocatiTe 8|ng. masc. (like
that of vant and mant-atems: above, 454 b) has the ending vas instead
of van: thus, oikitvas (changed to -van in a parallel passage of AY.),
titirvae, cfidivae, miijilivas.

b. Fonns from the middle stem, in vat, are extremely rare earlier:
only three (tatanv&t and vav^4t, neut. sing., and jagpr&dbhis, instr.
pi.), are found in RV., and not one in AY. And in the Yeda the weakest
stem (not, as later, the middle one) is made the basis of comparison and
derivation: thus, vidi^fara, Adft^u^fara, mltpiu^t^ma, mlcjihu^mant.

c. An example or two of the use of the weak stem- form for cases
regularly made from the strong are found in RY.: they are oakrui|fam,
aco. sing., and Abibhyn^as, nom. pi.; emu^fdm, by its accent (unless an
error), is rather f^om a derivatlye stem emu9&; and QB. has profufam.
Similar instances, especially from vidva&s, are now and then met with
later (see BR., under vidvaAs).

d. The AY. has once bhaktiva^sas, as if a participial form from a
noun; but K. and TB. give in the corresponding passage bhaktiv^nas;
oakhvi£&8«m (RY., once) is of doubtful character; okivinsA (RY., once)
shows a reversion to guttural form of the final of ^uc, elsewhere unknown.



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403—]



V. Nouns and Adjeotives.



172



G. Comparatives in yUs or yas.

468. The comparatiye adjectives of primary formation
(below, 467] have a double form of stem for masouUne and
neuter: a stronger, ending in ITfH ySiis (usually ^EflH lySfts),
in the strong oases, and a weaker, in JJ^ yas (or ^QH lyas),
in the weak cases (there being no distinction of middle and
weakest). The voc. sing. masc. ends in IR yan (but for
the older language see below, 466 a).

a. The feminine is made by adding ^ i to the weak
masc.-neut. stem.

464. As models of inflection, it will be sufficient to
give a part of the forms of ^mPFT 9riyaB better j and of
JI^[tira gdrlyas heavier. Thus:

Singular :



N.



N.A.V.



N. v.



A.



9r6yan
9r6yS&Bam

9r6ya8&



9r6yaB
9r6yaB



etc.



9r6yaB

9r6ya8i

etc.



9r^yan
Da&l:

9r6yft&8&a

etc.
Plural:

9r6yft&8a8 9r6y&&Bi

9r6yaBa8 9r6yaii8i

9r6yoblii8

etc.



g&riyftn g&riyas

g&riyftfLBam g&rlyas

g&rlyasft

etc.

g&i^an ginyas



JlftafHt
g&riyftftsfta

etc.



J|(ltlH)
girlyasi

etc.



g&riyfiAsas g&riya&si
g&riyasas g&i^ft&Bi

Jif)ntf5ra^

g&rlyobliis
etc.



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173 Comparison op Adjectives. [—467

a. The feminine steins of these adjectives are *i<4«l
9r6ya8l and i|(iutfl g&rlyasl.

465. a« The Vedio yoc. iuasc. (as in the two preceding divisions:
464 b» 462 a) is in yas instead of yan : thus, ojIya8» jy&yas (RV . : no
examples elsewhere have been noted).

b. No example of a middle case oconrs in RV. or AV.

o. In the later language are found a very few apparent examples of
strong cases made from the weaker stem-form: thus, kaniyasam and
yaviyasain ace. masc, kaniyasftu dn., yavlyasas nom. pi.

Comparison.

466. Derivative adjective steins having a comparative
and superlative meaning — or often also (and more origin-
ally] a merely intensive value — are made either directly
firom roots (by primary derivation), or from other derivative
or compound stems (by secondary derivation).

a. The subject of comparison belongs more properly to the chapter of
derivation; but it stands in such near relation to inflection that It is, in
aocordanee with the usual custom in grammaifl, conyeniently and suitably
enough treated briefly here.

467. The suffixes of primary derivation are ^OTT lyas

(or ^irtH SyfiAs) for the comparative and ^ iftha for the

superlative. The root before them is accented, and usually

strengthened by gunating, if capable of it — or, in some

cases, by nasalization or prolongation. They are much more

frequently and freely used in the oldest language than

later; in the classical Sanskrit, only a limited number of

such comparatives and superlatives are accepted in use; and

these attach themselves in meaning for the most part to

other adjectives from the same root, which seem to be

their corresponding positives; but in part also they are

artificially connected with other words, unrelated with them

in derivation.

a. Thus, firom ylcfip hurl come Iqi^Iyas and kf^iffha, which
belong in meaning to k^iprd quick; from yv^ encompass come v&n-
yas and v&riftba, which belong to urn broad; while, for example.



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467—] V. Nouns and Adjeotivbs. 174

k&niyas and k&niftba are attached by the grammariang to yuvan
younffj or &lpa small; and v&rfXyas and v&rfi^fha to v^dhi old,

468. From Veda and Brahmana together, considerably more than
a hundred instances of this primary formation in iyas and iffha (in
many cases only one of the pair actually occurring) are to be quoted.

a. About half of these (in RV., the decided majority) belong, in
meaning as in form, to the bare root in Its a^ective value, as used espe-
cially at the end of compoands, but sometimes also independently: thus,
from /tap bum comes t&pi^fha excessively burning ; from ]/yaJ offer come
y^iyas and yAjiffha better and best (or very well) sacrijtcing -^ firom )/yadh
Jight comes jddhSjaa Jighting better \ — in a few instances, the simple
root Is also found used as corresponding posltiTo: thus, jll hasty, rapid
with j&vayas and j&vifffha.

b. In a little class of instances (eight), the root has a preposition
prefixed, which then takes the accent: thus, ^ami^tha especially coming
hither; vfoayiftha best clearing away, — in a couple of cases (i^rami-
f^a, Apcurftvapi^^a, Astheyas), the negative particle is prefixed; —
in a single word (^^mbhavi^fba), an element of another kind.

c. The words of this formation sometimes take an aocusatlTe object
(see 271 e).

d. But even in the oldest language appears not infrequently the
same attachment in meaning to a derivative adjective which (as point-
ed out above) is usual in the later speech.

e« Besides the examples that occur also later, others are met with like
v&riftba choicest (v&ra choice), b&rhiftha greatest (b^h&nt great),
ofii^fha quickest (69am quickly), and so on. Probably by analogy vrith
these, like formations are in a few eases made from the apparently radical
syllables of words which have no otherwise traceable root in the language :
thus, kradhlyas and kradhi^fha (K.) from ]q*dli4, Bth4viyaB and
Bth&viffha from BthQr&, 9&9iya8 (RV.) from 9&9vant» k^iyaa (AY.)
and inif^a (TS.) ftoai eayd\ and so on. And yet again, in a few excep-
tional cases, the suffixes Iyas and iffha are applied to stems which are
themselves palpably derivative: thus, ^iffha from ft^u (RY.: only ease),
tikiji^yas (AY.) from tik9]i^&, br&hmiyas and brAhmiytba (TS. etc.)
from br&hman, dh&rmiftba (TA.) from dhArman, diAijUiiBta (TA.:
instead of d&rhi^tha) from d^<Jili&» rAghiyas (TS.) from ragho. These
are beginnings, not followed up later, of the extension of the formation to
unlimited use.

f. In n&vlyas or n&vyas and nAviftha, from nAva new, and in
8&nyas from s&na old (all RY.), we have also formations unconnected
with verbal roots.

469. The stems in i^t^a are inflected like ordinary a^jeetives
in a, and make their feminineg in ft; those in Iyas have a peculiar
declension which has been described above (468 fif.).



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175 Comparison of Adjbotivbs. [—471

470. Of peooUrities and irregalarities of formation, the follow-
ing may be noticed:

a. The suffix lyas has in a few Instanoes the briefer form yas, gener-
ally at altematiye with the other: thus, t&viyaB and t&vyas, n&viyaa
and n^vyas, v&alyas and v&syas* p&niyas and p&nyaa; and so from
rabh and sah; s&nyas occurs alone. From bhQ come bhtlyas and
bhAyi^tha, beside which BY. has also bh&viyas.

b. Of roots in ft, the final blends with the initial of the suffix to e :
thus, Bthdyas, dh^^fha, yd^fha; but such forms are in the Yeda gener-
ally to be resolved, as dh&Sftha, y&Iftha. The root jyft forms jyd^tlif^}
but Jyayas (like bhAyaa).

o. The two roots in I, prX and gri, form pr6yaB and pr^^fiia and
QT^as and ^r^^fha-

d* From the root of fji& come, without strengthening, fj^^ ^^^
^iftha; but in the older language also, more regularly, rAjiyas and

471. The suffixes of secondary derivation are cT^ ^^
and rFT tama. They are of almost unrestricted application,
being added to adjectives of every form, simple and com-
pound, ending in vowels or in consonants — and this from
the earliest period of the language until the latest. The
accent of the primitive remains (with rare exceptions) un-
changed; and that form of stem is generally taken which
appears before an initial consonant of a case-ending (weak
or middle form).

a. Examples (of older as well as later occorrence) are: from
vowel-stems, priy&tara, v&hnitama, rathitara and rathitama (RV-),
o^urntara^ pot^tama» saziiraktatara; — from consonant-Btems, Q&iii-
tama» 9&9vattama, mr<Jlay4ttama» tav&stara and tav&stama, tuvi^-
(ama, v^puft^ra, tapasvftara, yaQasvitama, bhitgavattara, hira-
ii^yava^unattama ; — from compounds, ratnadhatama» abhibhtitara,
Buk^tara» purbhittama, bhuyifthabhaktama, bhuridavattara,
^uoivratatama, atiikamatama.

b* But In t|ie Veda the final n of a stem Is regularly retained: thus,
madfntara and madintama, v^^f^ntama; and a few stems eyen add a
nasal: thus, Burabldntara, Yayintama, madhiontama. In a case or
two, the strong stem of a present participle Is taken : thus, vridhanttama,
sihanttama; and, of a perfect participle, the weakest stem: thus, vidu^-
(ara* mi4hu9tAm<^* ^ feminine final i is shortened: thus, devitamft
(BV.), t6JaBvinitam& (K.).



Digitized by VjOOQ iC



471—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 176

o. In the older Ungaage, the words of thia formation are not much
more freqnent than those of the other: thus, in RV. the stems in tara
and tama are to those in lyas and iffha as three to two; in AY., only
as six to five: hut later the former win a great preponderance.

472. These comparatives and superlatives are inflected like
ordinary adjectives in a, forming their feminine in ft.



Online LibraryWilliam Dwight WhitneyA Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana → online text (page 19 of 59)