William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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668. The schemes of normal endings, then, are as follows:

a. Primary Endings.







active.


middle


1.




8.


d.


p. 6. d.


P-


1


mi


V&8


m&8 6 v^e


m&he


2


8i


th&8


t.hA b6 ithe


dhv6


3


ti


t&8


knU, &ti t6 ate
b. Secondary Endings.


tote, &te


1


am


vd


mk {, & v&hi


m&hi


2


B


t4m


t& this athftm


dhv&m


8


t


tarn


&n, U8 t& at&m
c. Perfect Endings.


knta, 4ta, rin


1


a


v&


m& 6 v&he '


m&he


2


tha


&thU8


k b6 ithe


dhv6


3


a


dtUB


us 6 ate
d. Imperative Endings.


r^


1


&ni


ftva


fima fti ftvahSi




2


dhf, hf, —


t&m


tk Bvk athfim


dhvkm


3


tu


t&n


&nta, &tu t^ atfim





664. In general, the rule is followed that an accented ending, if dis-
syllablo, is accented on its first syllable — and the constant nnion-vowels
are regarded, in this respect, as integral parts of the endings. But the



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209 Pbhsonal Endings. [—667

dd pL ending ate of the pies, indio. middle has in RY. the accent ate in
a number of verbs (see 618» 686, 699, 719); and an oeoasional instance
is met with in other endings: thus, mah6 (see 719, 786).

666. The secondary endings of the second and third persons singular,
as consisting of an added consonant without Towel, should regularly (160)
be lost whenever the root or stem to which they are to be added itself ends
in a consonant. And this rule is in general followed; yet not without ex-
ceptions. Thus:

a. A root ending in a dental mute sometimes drops this final mute
instead of the added B in the second person ; and, on the other hand, a root
or stem ending in s sometimes drops this b instead of the added t in the
third person — in either case, establishing the ordinary relation of 8 and t
In these i^rsons, instead of B and B, and t and t. The examples noted are :
2d sing. aveB (to 3d sing, avet), Vvid, AB.; 3d sing. aJutt, ylq^, QB.;
aghat, Vghas, JB. AgS. ; acakftt, i^cakfia, RT. ; a^ftt, V9&8, AB. MBh.
R. ; asrat, y^sras, YS. ; ahinat, yhiAs, gB. TB. GB. Compare also the
B-aorist forms ayfts and erSs (146 a), in which the same influence is to
be seen; and further, ajftit etc. (889 a), and precative yftt for yfts (887).
A similar loss of any other final consonant is excessively rare; AY. has
once abhanas, for -nak, ybhafij. There are also a few cases where a
1st sing, is irregularly modeled after a 3d sing. : thus, atfi^am (to atyi^at),
ytfd, KU., aoohinam (to aoohinat), yohid, MBh.: compare further
the 1st sing, in m instead of am, 648 a»

b. Again, a union-vowel is sometimes introduced before the ending,
either a or i or i: see below, 621 b, 681, 819, 880, 1004 a, 1068 a.

0. In a few isolated cases in the older language, this I is changed to
&i: see below, 904 b, 986, 1068 a.

666. The changes of form which roots and stems undergo in
their combinations with these endings will be pointed out in detail
below, under the various formations. Here may be simply mentioned
in advance, as by far the most important among them, a distinction
of stronger and weaker form of stem in large classes of verbs, stand-
ing in relation with the accent — the stem being of stronger form
when the accent falls upon it, or before an accentless ending, and of
weaker form when the accent is on the ending.

a. Of the endings marked as accented in the scheme, the ta of 2d pi.
is not infrequently in the Yeda treated as unaccented, the tone resting on
the stem, which is strengthened. Much less often, the tam of 2d du. is
treated in the same way; other endings, only sporadically. Details are given
under the various formations below.

Subjunctive Mode.

667. Of the subjunctive mode (as was pointed out above) only
fragments are left in the later or classical language: namely, in the

Whitney, Chrammar. 3. ed. 14



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567—] VIIL CONJUOATION. 210

Bo-called first persons imperative, and in the use (579) of the imper-
fect and aorist persons without augment after mi prohibitive. In
the oldest period, however, it was a veiy frequent formation, being
three or four times as common as the. optative in the Big-Veda, and
nearly the same in the Atharvan; but already in the Brahmanas it
becomes comparatively rare. Its varieties of form are considerable,
and sometimes perplexing.

558. In its normal and regular formation, a special mode-stem
is made for the subjunctive by adding to the tense-stem an a — which
combines with a final a of the tense-stem to ft. The accent rests
upon the tense-stem, which accordingly has the strong form. Thus,
firom the strong present-stem doh (yduh) is made the subjunctive-
stem d6ha; from juh6 iyhu), juh&va; from yun^ (V7ixJ)» yimiija;
from Bim6 {ysu), eundva; from bh&va (ybhn\ bh&vft; from tad&
(ytud), tudi; from uoy& (pass., /vao), uoya; and so on.

559. The stem thus formed is inflected in general as an a-stem
would be inflected in the indicative, with constant accent, and ft for
a before the endings of the first person (788 i) — but with the follow-
ing peculiarities as to ending etc.:

560. a. In the active, the Ist sing, has nl as ending: thus, ddhftni,
ytm^ftniy bh&vftni. But in the Rig-Yeda sometimes ft simply: thus,
&yft, br&vft.

b. In 1st da., Ist pi., and^ pi., the endings are the secondary: thus,
ddhftva* d6hftma» ddhan; bh&v&va» bh&vftma» bh&vSn.

o. In 2d and 3d du. and 2d pi., the endings are primary: thus,
dohathaSy ddhatas, ddhatha; bh&vftthas, bh&vftta8» bh&vfttha.

d. In 2d and 3d sing., the endings are either primary or secondary:
thus, dohasi or dohas, d6hati or d6hat; bh&vfisi or bh&v&s, bh&vftti
or bh&vftt.

e. Ocoasionally, forms with douhle mode-sign ft (by assimilation to
the more numerous subjunctlyes from tense-stems in a) are met with from
non-a-stems: thns, &8fttha from as; &y&B, &yftt» &yftn from e (yi).

561. In the middle, form« with secondary instead of primary end-
ings are very rare, being found only In the 3d pi. (where they are more
frequent than the primary), and in a case or two of the 3d sing, (and AB.
has onee asyftthfts).

a. The striking pecuUarity of snbjnnotiye middle inflection is the fre-
quent strengthening of e to fti. in the endings. This is lets general in the
very earliest langnage than later. In 1st sing., ftl alone is found as ending,
even in RY.; and in 1st do. also (of rare occurrence), only ftvahfti is met
with. In 1st pL, ftmahfti prevails In BY. and AY. (ftmahe is found a
few times), and is alone known later. In 2d sing., Bftl for se does
not occur in RY., but is the only form in AY. and the Brihmanas. In
dd sing., tftl for te occurs once in BY., and is the predominant form



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211 SuBJUNOTivB Mode. [—666

in AT., &nd the only one later. In 2d pi, dhvfii for dhve it found in
one word in RY., and a few times in the Brahmanas. In 8d pi., ntfti
for nte is the Brahmana form (of far ftom frequent oeonrrence) ; it occurs
neither in RY. nor AY. No snch dual endings as thSi and tfti, for the
and te, are anywhere found; hut RY. has in a few words (nine: abOTe,
647 o) Sithe and ftite, which appear to he a like Buhjunctive strengthening
of ethe and ete (although found in one indicative form, kp^vftite). Be-
fore the fti-endings, the vowel is regularly long fi; but antfti instead of
ftntai is two or three times met with, and once or twice (TS. AB.) atfti
for dtftl

662. The Bubjonotiye endings, then, in combination with the
subjimctive mode-sign, are as follows:

active. middle.

. tol av« Ja J If*^" l^'^

Iftvahe lamahe

2 ("* athas atha If* Uthe l^^t
las Iftsfti Iftdhvfti

3 I*** atas an |*** Site Ja^te. anta

a. And in further combination with final a of a tense-stem, the
initial a of all these endings becomes ft: thus, for example, in 2d pers.,
ftsl or fts, ftthas, fttlia, fise, ftdhve.

668. Besides this proper subjunctive, with mode-sign, in its triple
form — with primary, with strengthened primary, and with secondary end-
ings — the name of subjunctive, in the forms ^imperfect subjunctive" and
^improper subjunctive", has been also given to the indicative forms of imper-
fect and aorist when used, with the augment omitted, in a modal sense
(below, 687): such use being quite common in RY., but rapidly dying out,
so that in the Brahmana language and later it is hardly met with except
after mft prohibitive.

a. As to the general uses of the subjunctive, see below, 674 if.



Optative Mode.

664. a. As has been already pointed out, the optative is of cora.-
paratively rare occurrence in the language of the Yedas; buA. ^t gains
rapidly in frequency, and already In the^^^ahmMOiis greatly out-
numbers the subjunctive, and still late^rtJmes ahnost entirely to take
its place. jf

b. Its mode of formation is jie same in all periods of the
language. V^

666* a. The opt&tive mod^sign Is in the active voice a dif-
ferent one, according as it is aaded to a tense-stem ending in a, or

/ 14*



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566—] VIH Conjugation. 212

to one ending in some other final. In the latter case, it is ya, accented;
this yft is appended to the weaker form of the tense-stem, and takes
the regular series of secondary endings, with, in 3d plor., us in-
stead of an, and loss of the ft before it. A(ter an a-stem, it is I,
unaccented; this i blends with the final a to e (which then is accented
or not according to the accent of the a); and the e is maintained
unchanged before a vowel-ending (am, us), by means of an interposed
euphonic y.

b. In the middle voice, the mode-sign is i throughout, and takes
the secondary endings, with a in 1st Bing., and ran in 3d pL After
an a-stem, the rules as to its combination to e, the accent of the
latter, and its retention before a vowel-ending with interposition of
a y, are the same as in the active. After any other final, the weaker
form of stem is taken, and the accent is on the ending (except in
one class of verbs, where it falls upon the tense-stem: see 645); and
the 1 (as when combined to e] takes an inserted y before the vowel-
endings (ay athftm, ftt&m).

o. It is, of oonrge, impossible to tell from the form whether i or i is
combined with the final of an a-stem to ej but no good reason appears to
exist for assuming i, rather than the i which shows itself in the other class
of stems In the middle voice.



566. The combined mode-sign and endings of the optative, then,
are as follows, in their double form, for a-stems and for others:








a. for non-a-stems.










active.




middle.




1

2
3


s.
yam
yfa
ySt


d.

yava

yitam

yat&m


p. 8.

yima iy&
yata IthiB
yuB it&


d.
ivihi
lyithftm
lyatftm


p.
im&hi
idhv&m
ir&n






b. combined with the final of a-stems.




1
2
3


eyam

es

et




ema eya
eta eth&B
eyas eta


evahi


emahi

edhvam

eran



o. The yft is in the Yeda not seldom resolved into ift.

^^"■'tcfti.J^he contracted sanem, for saneyam, is found in TB. and Apast.
Certain Vedl^»3d_p.V toJLd<}le forms In rate will be mentioned below, under
the various formations. n

567, Precative. Precateye forms are such as have a sibi-
lant inserted between the optative-sign and the ending. They are
made almost only from the aorist stems, and, though allowed by the
grammarians to be formed from e^ery root — the active .precative
from the simple aorist, the middle* firom the sibilant aorist — are



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213 Optativb Mode. [—670

practically of rare occurrence at erery period of the language, and
especially later.

A* The inserted b rans in the aetlve through the whole series of per-
sons; in the middle, it Is allowed only in the 2d and 3d persons sing, and
do, and the 2d pi., and is quotable only for the 2d and 3d sing. In the
2d sing, act., the precatiye form, by reason of the necessary loss of the added
8, 1b not distinguishable from the simple optative; in the 3d sing, act., the
same is the case in the later language, which (compare 566 a) saves the
personal ending t instead of the precatiye-sign 8; but the RY. usually, and
the other Yedio texts to some extent, have the proper ending yfis (for
yttat). As to 4I1 in the 2d pi. mid., see 2SI6 0.

b. The accent is as in the simple optative.

668» The precative endings, then, accepted in the later language
(including, in brackets, those which are identical with the simple
optative), are as follows:

active. middle.

s. d. p. s. d. p.

i yaaam yasva y&ma [i3r&] [iv&hi] [Im&hiJ

2 [yas] jiBteaa yasta iftl^aB iyfathftm i^hv&m

3 [yit] yistftm ytBUB 19^4 lyfatSm [Ir&n]
a. Respecting the precative, see further 921 ff.

b« As to the general uses of the optative, see below, 673 ff.
«

Imperative Mode.

669. The imperative hajs no modeHsign; it is made by
adding its own endings directly to the tense-stem, just as
the other endings are added to form the indicative tenses.

a. Hence, in 2d and 3d du. and 2d pi., its forms are indistinguishable
from those of the augment-preterit from the same stem with Its augment
omitted*

b. The rules as to the use of the different endings — especially in
2d sing., where the variety is considerable — will be given below, in connec-
tion with the various tense-systems. The ending tftt, however, has so much
that is peculiar in its use that it calls for a little explanation here.

670. The Imperative in tftt. An imperative form, usually
having the valne of a 2d pers. sing., but sometimes also of other per-
sons and numbers, is made by adding t&t to a present tense-stem —
in its weak form, if it have a distinction of strong and weak form.

a. Examples are: bratftt, hatftt, vittit; pip^t, jahitftty
dhattat; kp^utftt, kurut&t; g^h^itftt, jSnit^t; &vat&t» r&k^at&t,
vasatftt; vi^atftt, sfjatftt; asyatftt, na^yatftt, ohyatftt; kriyatftt;



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670—] VIII. Conjugation. 214

gama^atftt, oySvayatftt, vfirayatftt; ipsatftt; jfig^tAt. No examples
have been found from a nasal-class vexb (690), nor any other than those
here given from a passive, intensive, or desideratlve. The few accented
cases indicate that the formation follows the general rule for one made with
an accented ending (552).

b. The imperative in tftt is not a very rare formation in the older
language, being made (in Y., B., and 8.) from about fifty roots, and in
toward a hundred and fifty occnireuces. Later, it is very unusual: thus,
only a single example has been noted in MBh«, and one in R. ; and corres-
pondingly few in yet more modern texts.

571. Ab regards its meaning, this form appears to have pre-
vailingly in the Brahmanas, and traceably bat much less distinctly in
the Vedio texts, a specific tense-yalue added to its mode-value — as
signifying, namely, an injunction to be carried out at a later time than
the present: it is (like the Latin forms in to and tote) a posterior
or future imperative.

a. Examples are: ihai 'v& mft tfigthantam abhy^hl *ti brOhi
tfbii tu na agatftdi pratipr&brutftt ((B.) say to her ^crnne to me as I
stand Just here,^ and [aftertoetrd] announce her to us as having come; y4d
urdhv&B tf^tliS dr&vii^e lik dliatt&t (RV.) wJien thou shalt stand up-
right, [then\ bestow riches here (and similarly in many cases); utkfilam
udvah6 bhavo 'duhya pr&ti dhftvatat (AY.) he a carrier up the ascent;
after having carried up, run hack again) v&nasp&tir &dhi tvft sthfisyati
t&sya vittftt (TS.) the tree will ascend thee, [then'] take note of it.

b. Examples of its use as other than 2d sing, are as follows: 1st sing.,
&vyu§&iii j&g;rt&d ah&m (AY.; only case) let me watch till day-break;
as 3d sing., punar ma "vi^atSd rayih (TS.) let wealth come again to
me, BykAi ty&sya r^ft mOrdhfaaih vi p&tayatfit (9B.) t?ie king here
shail make his head fly off; as 2d du., nasatyav abruvan devah
punar a vahatad iti (RY.) the gods said to the two A^ins ^bring them
back again"; as 2d pi., ^pah . . . devdfu nah sukfto briltftt (TS.) ye
waters, announce us to the gods as weU-doers. In the later language, the
prevailing value appears to be that of a 3d sing. : thus, bhavftn prasftdaih
kurutftt (lIBh.) may your worship do the favor, enaxh bhavftn
abhlrakijatftt (DKC.) let your excellency protect him,

0. According to the native grammarians, the imperative in tftt is to be
used with a benedictive implication. No instance of such use appears to
be quotable.

d. In a certain passage repeated several times in different Brahmanas
and Sutras, and containing a number of forms in tftt used as 2d pi.,
vftrayadhvftt is read instead of vftrayatftt in some of the texts (K. AB.
AQS. (^QS.). No other occurrence of the ending dhvftt has been anywhere
noted.



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215 Uses of thb^ Modes. [—578

Uses of the Modes.

672. Of the thiee modes, the imperative is the one
most distinct and limited in office, and most imchanged in
use throughout the whole history of the language. It signi-
fies a command or injunction — an attempt at the exercise
of the speaker's will upon some one or something outside
of himself.

a. This, however (in Sanskrit as in other langaages), is by no
means always of the same force; the command shades off into a
demand, an exhortation, an entreaty, an expression of earnest desire.
The imperative also sometimes signifies an assumption or concession ;
and occasionally, by pregnant construction, it becomes the expression
of something conditional or contingent; but it does not acquire any
regular use in dependent-olause-making.

b. The Imperatiye is now and then used in an interrogative sentence:
thus, bravihl ko 'dyal 'va mayft vismjyat&m (R.) speak! who shall
now he separated hy mef katham ate gui^vanta^ kriyantftm (H.)
how are they to he made virtuous t kasmfti pi^^^ pradiyatam (Yet)
to whom shaU the offering he given f

673. The optative appears to have as its primary office
the expression of wish or desire; in the oldest language,
its prevailing use in independent clauses is that to which
the name '^optative" properly belongs.

a. But the expression of desire, on the one hand, passes naturally
over into that of request or entreaty, so that the optative becomes
a softened imperative; and, on the other hand, it comes to signify
what is generally desirable or proper, what should or ought to be,
and so becomes the mode of prescription ; or, yet again, it is weakened
into signifying what may or can be, what is likely or usual, and so
becomes at last a softened statement of what is.

b. Further, the optative in dependent clauses, with relative
pronouns and conjunctions, becomes a regular means of expression
of the conditional and contingent, in a wide and increasing variety
of uses.

0. The so-called piecatiTe forms (667) are ordinarily used in the
propez optatlTO sense. But in the later language they are occasionally : met
vith in the other uses of the optative: thus, na hi prapa^yfimi mam&
'je>anudyad yac ohokam (BhQ.) for I do not perceive what should dispel
my grief; yad bhuyftsur vibhataya^ (BhP.) thai there should he
changes. Also rarely with m&: see 578 b.



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674—] VIII. Conjugation. 216

674. The subjunotive, as has been pointed out, becomes
nearly extinot at an early period in the history of the
language; there are left of it in classical usage only two
relics: the use of its first persons in an imperative sense,
or to signify a necessity or obligation resting on the speak-
er, or a peremptory intention on his part; and the use of
unaugmented forms (679), with the negative particle m mS,
in a prohibitive or negative imperative sense.

a. And the general value of the subjunctive from the beginning
was what these relics would seem to indicate: its fundamental mean-
ing is perhaps that of requisition, less peremptory than the imperative,
more so than the optative. But this meaning is liable to the same
modifications and transitions with that of the optative; and sub-
junctive and optative run closely parallel with one another in the
oldest language in their use in independent clauses, and are hardly
distinguishable in dependent. And instead of their being (as in Greek)
both maintained in use, and endowed with nicer and more distinctive
values, the subjunctive gradually disappears, and the optative assumes
alone the offices formerly shared by both.

676. The difference, then, between imperative and sub-
junctive and optative, in their fundamental and most char-
acteristic uses, is one of degree: command, requisition, wish;
and no sharp line of division exists between them; they
are more or less exchangeable with one another, and com-
binable in coordinate clauses.

a. Thus, in AV., we have in impv.: ^at^oh jiva ^ar&dal^ fio
thou live a hundred autunms; ubhft^ t&& jlvatfiih jar&daf^ let them
both live to attain old age; — in subj., ady& jivBnl let me live this
day] ^at&ih jlv&ti ^ar&dal^ he shall live a hundred autumm\ — inept,
jivema ^ar&dfiih ^atani may we live hundreds of autumns\ s&rvam
iyur jivySaam (prec.) I would fain live out my whole term of life.
Here the modes would be interchangeable with a hardly perceptible
change of meaning.

b* Examples, again, of different modes in co(5rdinate construction
are: iy&m agne narl p&tiih videfta • • • BuvdnS putrin m&hi^i
bhavftti gatvi p&tiih Bnbh&gft vl rfijatu (AY.) may this woman,
O Agni! find a spouse; giving birth to sons she shall become a chief"
tainess; having attained a spouse let her rule in happiness] gop&y&
nal^ svast&ye prabudhe nah punar dada]{^ (TS.) waieh over us for



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217 Uses of the Modes'. [ - 679

our welfare; grant unto us to wake again; Byan nal^ Biini^ . . . si te
BTimatir bhfltv aam6 (BY.) mm/ there he to us a son; let that favor
of ihine be ours. It is not very seldom the case that yersions of
the Bame passage in different texts show different modes as various
readings.

o. There is, in fact, nothing in the earliest employment of these
modes to prove that they might not all be specialized uses of forms
originally equivalent — having, for instance, a general future meaning.

676. As examples of the less characteristic use of subjunctive
and optative in the older language, in independent clauses, may be
quoted the following: t ghft ta gaochftn uttarft yugdni (BY.) those
later ages will doubtless come\ y&d . . • n& marft {ti mdnyase (BY.)
if thou thinkest ^I shall not duP ; n& ta na^anti n& dabhftti tiuikara^
(BY.) ^hey do not become lost; no thief can harm them; k&am&i deviya
havlfft vidbema (BY.) to what god shall we offer oblation f agninft rayim
a^navat . . . div^dive (BY.) 6y Agni one may gain wealth erery day ;
utsi "nfiih brabm&i^e dady&t t&tb& syona ^iva syftt (AY.) one
should give her, however, to a Brahman; in that case she will be propitious
and favorable; &bar-abar dadySt (^.) one should give every day,

577, The uses of the optative in the later language are of the
utmost variety, covering the whole field occupied jointly by the two
modes in earlier time. A few examples from a single text (MBh.)
will be enough to illustrate them : ucchifta^ nSi Va bbuxUiyfiiii na
kxiryfiiii padadhftvanam / will not eat of the remnant of the sacrifice,
I will not perform the foot-lavation; jii&Un vrajet let her go to her
relatives; nfti "vaih aft karhioit kuryftt she should not act thus at any
time; katbaih vidyfiiii nalaih n^pam hoto can I know king Nalaf
utaarge Baih9ayab syftt tu vindetft 'pi aukbaih kvacit but in case
of her abandonment there may be a chance ; she may tUso find happiness
somewhere; kathaih vaao vikarteyaih na ca budbyeta me priyft
how can I cut off the garment and my beloved not wake f

578. The later use of the first persons subjunctive as so-called
imperative involves no change of construction from former time, but
only restriction to a single kind of use: thus, dlvyftva let tts two
play; kiih karavfii^ te what shaU I do for theef

679. The imperative negative, or prohibitive, is from the earliest
period of the language regularly and usually expressed by the particle
mi with an augmentless past form, prevailingly aorist

a. Thus, pr& pata m6 lik raihstbftb (AY.) fly away, do not stay
here; dvi^^9 oa m&byaib radbyatu ma o& li&ih dvi^at^ radbam



Online LibraryWilliam Dwight WhitneyA Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana → online text (page 23 of 59)