William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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(AY.) both let my foe be subject to me, and let me not be subject to my foe ;
urv ^yftm ibbayaih jyotir indra ma no dirgba abbl na^cm
tamieri^ (BY.) I would win broad fearless light, O Indra; let not the
long darknesses come upon us; ma na aynb pr& mofXl^ (BY.) do not

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679—] VIII. Conjugation. 218

steal away our life; samfi^vasihi xnft 9uoa]tL (MBh.) he comforted; do
not grieve \ ma bhfiifll^ or bh&i^L (MBh. B.) dot not he afraid; mft bhtit
k&Iasya paryayal^ (B.) let not a change of time take place. Examples with
the imperfect are: ma bibher ni mari^yasi (RY.) do not fear: thou wilt
not die; ma sm&i 'tant s&khin kuruthft^ (AV.) do not make friends
of them; mft putram anntapyathft]^ (MBh.) do not sorrow for thy son.
The relation of the imperfect to the aorist constraotion, in point of
frequency, is in BY. about as one to five, in AY. still less, or about
one to six; and though instances of the imperfect are quotable from
all the older texts, they are exceptional and infreqaent; while in the
epics and later they become extremely rare.

b. A single optative, bhujema, is used prohibitively with ma in
RY. ; the older langnage presents no other example, and the constraction
is very rare also later. In an example or two, also, the precatlve (bhuyftt,
R. Pane.) follows m&.

0. The RY. has once apparently ma with an imperative; bnt the
passage is probably corrupt. No other snch case is met with in the older
langnage (unless Bfpa, TA. i. 14; doubtless a bad reading for s^as); but
in the epics and later the construction begins to appear, and becomes an
ordinary form of prohibition : thus, mft prayaoche "^vare dhanam (H.)
do not hestow wealth on a lord; sakhi mai Vaiii vada (Vet.) friend,
do not speak thus,

d. The ^B. (xi. 5. 1^ appears to offer a single example of a true
subjunctive with mft, nl padyfisfti; there is perhaps something wrong
about the reading.

e. In the epics and later, an aorist form not deprived of augment is
occasionally met with after ma: thus, mft tv&ih kftio tyagfit (MBh.)
let not the time pass thee; mft vftlipatham anv agfth (R.) do not follow
Vali^s road. But the same anomaly occurs also two or three times in the
older language: thus, vyl^paptat (QB.), ag&s (TA.), ana9at (KS.).

580. But the use also of the optative with n& not in a prohibitive
sense appears in the Yeda, and becomes later a familiar construction:
thus, n& rifyema kad^ can& (BY.) may we suffer no harm at any
time; n& oft 'tisfjdn nk juhuyftt (AY.) and if he do not grant permission^
let him not sacrifice; t&d a tdthft ni kuryftt (QB.) hut he must not
do that so; na divft 9ayita (^GS.) let him not sleep hy day; na tvftih
vidyur janftl^ (MBh.) let not people know thee. This in the later
language is the correlative of the prescriptive optative, and both are
extremely common; so that in a text of prescriptive character the
optative forms may come to outnumber the indicative and imperative
together (as is the case, for example, in Mann).

681. In all dependent constructions, it is still harder even in
the oldest language to establish a definite distinction between sub-
junctive and optative; a method of use of either is scarcely to be
found to which the other does not furnish a practical equivalent ~

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219 USBS OF THE VODB8. [—681

and tben, in the later language, Buch uses are represented by the
optatiye alone. A fe^ examples will be sufficient to illustrate this:

a. After relative pronouns and conjunctions in general: ya
vytl^ur yaQ oa ndn&di vyuooh&i (RV.) which have shone forth [hith-
erio\ and which shaU hereafter shine forth; y6 to J^yfitA asmakaiii
0& itko •sat (TS.) whoever shall he horn of her, let him he one of ti#;
y6 vfii tan vidyat pratyikfaih b4 brahma v6dit& syftt (AV.)
whoever shall know them face to face, he may pass for a knowing priest)
putrii^ftih • . . jatanftih jan&ya^ oa yan (AV.) of sons horn and whom
thou may est hear; y&sya • • . itithir grhan ag&oohet (AY.) to whose-
soever house he may come as guest; yatam&tha kfim&yeta t&tha kury&t
(^6.) in whatever way he may choose^ so may he do it; y&rhi h6ta 3r&ja-
mftnaaya nama fi^Tb^Iyat t&rhi bruyftt (TS.) when the sacrificing
priest shall name the name of the offerer, then he may speak ; svar^paih
yada dra^tum iochethftl^ (M£h.) when thou shalt desire to see thine
oum form.

b. In more distinctly conditional constructions: y&jama dev^
y&di ^akn&vSma (BY.) we will offer to the gods if we shaU he ahle; ykd
ague syam ah&ih tv&ih tv&ih vft ghft sya ah&ih syuf (e eatya
iha "^i^a^ (RY.) if I were thou, Agni, or if thou wert J, thy wishes
should he realized on the spot; yd dyam atis&rp&t par&st&n nk nk
muoyfitai vinu^asya rajiiah (AY.) though one steal far away heyond
the sky, he shall not escape king Varuna; y&d dnft^vSn upav&set k^-
dhukatt syftd y&d a^niyad mdro 'sya pa^dn abhi manyeta (TS.)
if he should continue without eating, he would starve ; if he should eat,
Rudra would attack his cattle; pr&rthayed yadi mftxii ka^oid da^ijyah
sa me pumftn bhavet (MBh.) if any man soever should desire me, he
should suffer punishment. These and the like constructions, with the
optative, are very common in the Brahmanas and later.

c. In final clauses : y&th& 'h&ih 9atruh6 'sfini (AY.) that I may
he a slayer of my enemies; gnT^Sn^ y&thft pfbfttho &ndhah (BY.) tJiat
heing praised with song ye may drink the draught; ur&u y&thft t&va
9&niicui m&dema (BY.) in order that we rejoice in thy wide protection;
lapa j&nlta y&the 'y&m punar ag&ochet (^B.) contrive that she come
hack again; kfpfiih kary&d yathft may! (MBh.) so that he may take pity
on me. This is in the Yeda one of the most frequent uses of the
subjunctive; and in its correlative negative form, with n6d in order
that not or lest (always followed by an accented verb), it continues
not rare in the Brahmanas.

d. The indioatiye is also Tery commonly used in final clauBes aftei
yathft : thus, y&thft] 'y&ih piliru^o 'Bt&rik^am anuo&rati (9B.) in order
that this man may traverse the atmosphere; yathft na vighna]{2L kriyate
(R.) so that no hindrance inay arise; yathft 'yaih na9yati tathft vidhe-
yam (H.) it must he so managed that he perish.

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581—] vni. Conjugation. 220

e. With the conditional use of inhJimctiTe and optatiTO is ftuther to
be compared that of the so-callod conditional tense: see below, 960.

f • As is indicated by many of the examples giTen above, it is nsnal
in a conditional sentence, containing protasis and apodosls, to employ always
the same mode, whether snbjonetlTe or optative (or conditional), in each
of the two clauses. For the older language, this is a rule well-nigh or
quite without exception.

582. No distinotion of meaning has been established between
the modes of the present-stem and those (in the older language} of
the perfect and aorist-systems.


588. Participles, active and middle, are made from all
the tense-stems — except the periphrastic future, and, in
the later language, the aorist (and aorist participles are rare
from the beginning).

8. The participles unconnected with the tense-systems are treated in
chap. Xm. (962 if.).

684. The general participial endings are ^r{ ant (weak
form SElcT at; fem. ^^ an1£ or CFJ^ atl: see above, 440} for
the active, and ^H Sna (fem. I^HT SnS) for the middle. But —

a. After a tense-stem ending in a, the active participial suffix
is virtually nt, one of the two a's being lost in the combination of
stem-final and suffix.

b. After a tense-stem ending in a, the middle participial suffix
is mfina instead of ftna. But there are occasional exceptions to the
rule as to the use of mSna and Sna respectively, which will be
pointed out in connection with the various formations below. Such
exceptions are especially frequent in the causative: see 1043 f.

o. The perfect has in the active the peculiar suffix v&Ab (weakest
form uf, middle form vat; fem. ufi: see, for the inflection of this
participle, above, 468 ff.).

d. For details, as to form of stem etc., and for special exceptions
see the following chapters.


686. The augment is a short ^ a, prefixed to a tense-
stem — and, if the latter begin with a vowel, combining with
that vowel irregularly into the heavier or vrddhi diphthong

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221 Augment. [—687

(136 a). It is always (without any exception) the accented
element in the veibal form of which it makes a part.

a* In the Yeda, the augment is in a few fonns long ft: thns, anaf,
avar, Avr^i, av^i^ak, ftvidhyat» ftyunak, ayukta, ayukf&tftm,
ari^^» arfiik, (and y&e ta avidhat, BY. ii. 1. 7, 9?).

586. The augment is a sign of past time. And an augment-
preterit is made from each of the tense-stems from which the system
of conjugation is denved: namely, the imperfect, from the present-
stem; the plnperfect (in the Veda only), from the perfect-stem; the
conditional, from the fhture-stem ; while in the aonst such a preterit
stands without any corresponding present indicative.

687. In the early language, especially in the BY., the occurrence
of forms identical with those of augment-tenses save for the lack of
an augment is quite frequent Such forms lose in general, along with
the augment, the specific character of the tenses to which they belong;
and they are then employed in part non-modally, with either a pres-
ent or a past sense; and in part modally, with either a subjunctive
or an optative sense — especially often and regularly after ma pro-
hibitive (579) ; and this last mentioned use comes down also into the
later language.

a. In BY., the angmentless formB are more than half as common as
the augmented (about 2000 and 3300), and are made from the present,
perfect, and aorist-systems, hat considerably over half from the aorist.
Their non-modal and modal uses are of nearly equal frequency. The tense
value of the non-modally nsed forms is more often past than present. Of
the modally nsed forms, nearly a third are constmed with mfi prohlhitive;
the rest have twice as often an optative as a proper subjunctive value.

b. In AY., the numerical relations are very different. The augment-
less forms are less than a third as many as the augmented (about 475 to
1460), and are prevailingly (more than four fifths) aoristic. The non-modal
XLBes are only a tenth of the modal. Of the modally used forms, about
four fifths are construed with m& prohibitive; the rest are chiefly optative
In value. Then, in the language of the Brahmanas (not including the
mantra-material which they contain), the loss of augment Is, save iu
occasional sporadic cases, restricted to the prohibitive construction with mftj
and the same continues to be the case later.

o. The accentuation of the augmentless forms is throughout in accord-
ance with that of unaugmented tenses of similar formation. Examples will
be given below, under the various tenses.

d. Besides the augmentless aorist-forms with mft prohibitive, there
are also found occasionally In the later language augmentless imperfect-forms
(very rarely aorist-forms), which have the same value as if they were aug-
mented, and are for the most part examples of metrical license. They are
especially frequent in the epics (whence some scores of them are quotable).

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688—] vni. Conjugation. 222


588. The derivation of oonjugational and declensional
stems from roots by reduplication, either alone or along
with other formatiye elements, has been already spoken of
(269), and the formations in which reduplication appears
have been specified: they are, in primary yerb-inflection,
the present (of a certain class of verbs), the perfect (of
nearly all), and the aorist (of a large number); and the in-
tensive and desiderative secondary conjugations contain in
their stems the same element.

689. The general principle of reduplication is the pre-
fixion to a root of a part of itself repeated — if it begin
with consonants, the initial consonant and the vowel; if it
begin with a vowel, that vowel, either alone or with a follow-
ing consonant. The varieties of detail, however, are very
considerable. Thus, especially, as regards the vowel, which
in present and perfect and desiderative is regularly shorter
and lighter in the reduplication than in the root-syllable,
in aorist is longer, and in intensive is strengthened. The
differences as regards an initial consonant are less, and
chiefly confined to the intensive; for the others, certain
general rules may be here stated, all further details being
left to be given in connection with the account of the sep-
arate formations.

690. The consonant of the reduplicating syllable is in
general the first consonant of the root: thus, hh^ paprach
from VV[^ prach; f^lpJI 9i9ri from yffer 91!; ^5|^ bnbudh
from y^^. But —

a. A non-aspirate is substituted in reduplication for an
aspirate: thus, ^ dadhS from y/m; fsR bibhy from y^bhy.

b. A palatal is substituted for a guttural or for ^ h :

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223 Ebduplication. [—592

thus, iPR oaky from ySR ky; l^rf^ oikhid from yfe^* khid;

sTOH jagrabh from yiPT grabh; sf^ jahy from )/^ by.

c« The oecasioQ&l reTersion, on the other hand, of a palatal In the
radical syllable to guttural form has been noticed aboTe (216,1).

d. Of two initial consonants, the second, if it be a

non-nasal mute preceded by a sibilant, is repeated instead

of the first: thus, fTFrT tasfr from yTcT str; ^J^^ tastbS from

yW\ BthS; T|Wi*^i oaskand from yFfF^" skand; ^FI^5T

oaskbal from yT^FT skhal; ^WT ou9cut from yWf 9oat;

MHIM paspydb from yTTO spydh; t|Hhi puspbut from vTJ^T

spbut: — but H^ sasnS from ypT snS; HFT saBmy from

yFT flmy; gR susru from y^ sru; ftiJWM 9i9li? from vfsW


Accent of the Verb.

591. The statements which have been made above, and those
which will be made below, as to the accent of verbal forms, apply
to those cases in which the verb is actually accented.

a. Bat, according to the grammarians, and according to the in-
variable practice in accentaated texts, the verb is in the majority of
its occurrences unaccented or toneless.

b. That is to say, of course, the verb in its proper forms, its personal
or so-called finite forms. The verbal nonns and adjectives, or the Infinitives
and participles, are subject to precisely the same laws of accent as other
nouns and adjectives.

592. The general rule, covering most of the cases, is this: The
verb in an independent clause is unaccented, unless it stand at the
beginning of the clause — or also, in metrical text, at the beginning
of a p&da.

a. For the accent of the verb, as well as for that of the vocative
case (above, 814 c), the beginning of a pftda counts as that of a sentence,
whatever be the logical connection of the pftda with what precedes it.

b. Examples of the unaccented verb are: agnfm i<}e pur6bitam
Agnt I praise, the house-priest; sa {d devdfu gaoobati that, irufy, goes
to the gods; &gne BUp&yan6 bbava O Agni, be easy of access; idkm
indra 9p^tibi somapa this, O Indra, sotna'drinker, hear; n&mas te
radra Iq^ipnal^L homage to thee, Hudra, tee offer; yiOamanasya pa9dn
pfthi the saerificer's cattle protect thou,

c. Hence, there are two principal situations in which the verb
retains its accent:

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698—] VIII. Conjugation. 224

598. First, the verb is accented when it stands at the beginning
of a clause — or, in verse, of a pftda.

a. Examples of the verb accented at the head of the sentence are, in
prose, 9undhadlivaiii d&ivyftya k&rmai^e he pure for the divine
ceremony \ &pii6la 'm&iii lok&m he wine this world \ — in verse, where
the head of the sentence is also that of the p&da, sy&nd 'd Indrasya
9&rma]^ may we be in Indra'e protection; dar^&ya mft y&tudhanfin
show me the sorcerers; g&mad v^ebhir a 8& na]|^ may he come with good
things to us; — in verse, where the head of the danse is within the pftda»
t^fSixi p&M ^rudhi h&vam drink of them^ hear our call] sistu m&ti
8&8tu pita B&Btu qvt B&stu vi^p&tih let the mother sleep^ let the father
sleep, let the dog sleep, let the master sleep] vl9vakarman n&mas te
pfihy lisman Vicvakarman, homage to thee; protect us! yuvam . • .r^fia
uoe duhita ppcoh^ vaiii nara the hinges daughter said to you ^I pray
you, ye men^; vay&iii te v&ya indra viddhi fu i^ah pr& bharfimahe
we offer thee, Indra, strengthening; take note of us.

b. Examples of the verb accented at the head of the pftda when this
is not the head of the sentence are: &thft te dntamanftiii vidyama
Bumatinam so may we er\joy thy most intimate favors; dh&ta *Byi
agruvfti p&tiiii d&dhfttu pratikSmykm Dhatar bestow upon this girl
a husband according to her wish; yfttudhanasya Bomapa jalil praj&oi
slay, O Soma-drinker, the progeny of the sorcerer.

594. Certain special cases under this head are as follows:

a. As a vocative forms no syntactical part of the sentence to which
it is attached, but is only an external appendage to it, a verb following
an initial vocative, or more than one, is accented, as if it were itself initial
in the clause or pftda: thus, a9rutkar]^a ^mdhl h&vam O thou of
listening ears, hear our call! site v&ndftmahe tvft O Sitd, we reverence
thee ; vli^ve deva v&savo r&kf ate 'm&m all ye gods, ye Vasus, protect
this man; uta ^gaQ cakri^aiii devft d6vft Jiv&yathft punah likewise
him, O gods, who has committed crime, ye gods, ye make to live again.

b. If more than one verb follow a word or words syntactically con-
nected with them all, only the first loses its accent, the others being treated
as if they were initial verbs in separate clauses, with the same adjuncts
understood: thus, tariigiir ij Jayati kfdti pui^yati successful he conquers,
rules, thrives; amitrftn . . . p&rftca indra pr& m^i^ Jahl ca our foes,
Indra, drive far away and slay; asm&bhyaiii jefi ydtai oa for us
conquer and fight ; ^gnl^omft havlfa^ pr&sthltaaya vit&iii h&ryataiii
vf^ai^ Jufdthftm O Agni and Soma, of the oblation set forth partake,
enjoy, ye mighty ones, take pleasure.

c. In like manner (but much less often), an adjunct, as subject or object,
standing between two verbs and logically belonging to both, Is reckoned to the
first alone, and the second has the initial accent: thus, Jahi prajiiii n&yasva
ca slay the progeny, and bring [it} hither; qipj.6tVL ne^ subhiigft b6dhatu
tm&nft may the blessed one hear us, [and may she] kindly regard [us}.

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225 Accent. [— W6

d. It has eyen came to be a formal mle that a verb immediately
IbllowiQg another Torb is aocented: thus, 8^ jk et&m evAm upiate
pury&te praj&yft paQubhiJI^ (Q^O whoever worships him thus is JiUed
with offspring and caUU.

695. Second, the verb is accented, whatever its position, in a
dependent clause.

a. The dependency of a clause is in the yery great majority of cases
conditioned by the relative pronoun ya, or one of its deriyatiyes or com-
pounds. Thus: jkAi jeLi1ihjSa.parihhiT kBi what offering thou protecUst'f
6 t^ yanti y6 aparlfu p&^y&n they are coming who shall behold her
hereafter] sahd y&n me &8ti t^na along with that which is mine; y&tra
nah pl&rve pit&rah parey&h whither our fathers of old departed;
tkdji, mttriya y&di yfttudhtno ismi let me die on the spot, if I am
a sorcerer; y&tha 'hftny anupfirv&iii bh&vanti as days follow one
another in order; yavad id&iii bhi&vanaiii Tl9vain &8ti how great this
whole creation is; y&tkfimas te Juhum&s t&n no astu what desiring
we sacrifice to thee, let that become ours; yatam&s titn>B&t whichever
one desires to enjoy,

b. The presence of a lelative word in the sentence does not, of course,
accent the verb, unless this is really the predicate of a dependent clause:
thus, &pa ty6 tfty&vo yathS yanti they make off like thieves [as thieves
do) ; y&t stha J&gao ca rejate whatever [is] immovable and movable
trembles; yathakamaiti nf padyate he lies down at his pleasure.

o. The particle ca when it means if and o6d (ca + id) if give an
accent to the yerb : thus, brahma ced dh&stam kgrahlt if a Brahman
has grasped her hand; tv&ih ca soma no v&^o jlvatuixi n& marSmahe
if thou, Soma, wiliest us to live, we shall not die; a ca g&cchan mitr&m
enS dadhSma if he will come here, we will make friends with him,

d. There are a yery few passages in which the logical dependence of a
clause containing no subordinating word appears to give the verb its accent:
thus, B&m &9vapar]^&9 cdranti no n&ro 'smakam indra ratblno
jayantu when our men, horse-dinged, come into conflict, let the chariot-
fighters of our side, O Indra, win the victory. Barely, too, an imperative
so following another imperative that its action may seem a consequence of
the latter's is accented: thus, ttlyam a gabi k&i^ve^u 8U s^cft p{ba
come hither quickly; drink along with the Kanvas (i. e. in order to drink).

e« A few other particles give the verb an accent, in virtue of a slight
subordinating force belonging to them : thus, especially hi (with its negation
nald), which in its fullest value means for, but shades off from that into
a mere asseverative sense; the verb or verbs connected with it are always
accented: thus, vi t6 muficantfiiii vimiico hi s&nti let them release
him, for they are releasers ; y&c oid dhi • . . anft^asta iva sm&si if
we, forsooth, are as it were unrenowned; — also n6d (n&-t-{d), meaning
lest, that not: thus, n6t tvft t&pftti sAxo arcffS that the sun may not
hum thee with his beam; vir^aiii n6d viochin&dSni ti saying to himself,
Whitney, Gramniar. 3. ed« 15

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696—] VIII. Conjugation. 226

^lest I cut off the virqf*^ (such cases are frequent In the Bnhmanas); —
and the interrogatiTe kav{d tofietherf thus, ukth^bhi^ kuv{d EgkaiaX
to ill he come hUher far our praises f

696. But farther, the verb of % prior clause is not infrequently
accented in antithetical construction.

a. Sometimes, the relation of the two clauses is readily capable of
being regarded as that of protasis and apodosls; but often, also, such a
relation is very indistinct; and the cases of antithesis shade off into those
of ordinary coordination, the line between them appearing to be rather
arbitrarily drawn.

b. In many cases, the antithesis is made distinoter by the presence in
the two clanses of correlative words, especially anya — anya, eka — ekat
vft— vft, ca — oa: thus, pr&-pr& *iiy6 y&nti p&ry anyi fiaate some go
on and on^ others sit about (as if it where while some go etc.); ud v&
sific&dhvam upa vft p^^i^adhvam either pour out, or Jill up-, B&iii oe
'dhy&svft 'gne pr& ca vardhaye 'm&in both do thou thyself become
kindledf Agni, and do thou increase this person. But it is also made with-
out such help: thus, pra 'Jftt&^ pre^i Jan&yati p&ri pr^atft gplu^&ti
the unborn progeny he generates, the bom he embraces \ &pa yu^m&d &kra-
mln ni, 'sman upavartate [though] she has gone away from you, she
does not come to us\nt 'ndli6 'dhvaryur bh&vati n4 yajfiiiii r&kf&iiBi
ghnanti the priest does not become blind, the demons do not destroy the
sacrifice^ k6na 86mS g^hy&nte k^na buy ante by whom [on the one hand]
are the somas dipped outf by whom [on the other Jumd] are they offered f

697. Where the verb would be the same in the two antithetical clauses,
it is not infrequently omitted in the second: thus, beside complete expres-
sions like urvi ct 'si v&svi oft 'si both thou art broad and thou art good,
occur, much oftener, Incomplete ones like agnir amiifgmift lok& aald
yain6 'smin Agni was in yonder world, Yama [was] in this-, asthna
'nya^ praja^ pratiti^thanti mftfis^nft 'nyah by bone some creatures
stand firm, by flesh others ', dvipac ca B&rvaiii no r&kfa c&tafp&d
y&c oa nah sv&m both protect everything of ours that is biped, and
also whatever that is quadruped belongs to us.

a. Accentuation of the verb in the former of two antithetical claases
is a rule more strictly followed in the Brahmanas than in the Veda, and

Online LibraryWilliam Dwight WhitneyA Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana → online text (page 24 of 59)