William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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the accent is allowed to fall on any one of the syllables of the word, and
the loot-^yllable if unaccented has sometimes the weak form (namely, in
contracted stems with e for medial a : below, 704 e ; and in certain other
Yerbs, as vivijitha). The earlier language, however, affords no example
of a 2d sing., whatever its ending, accented on any other than the radical
syllable, or failing to conform to the rules of strengthening as given above
(in a, Ct e).

h. Occasional instances of strengthening in other than the singular
persons are met with: thus, yuyopima and viveQUS (RV.), paaparQOB
(KeU.), and, in the epics, oakartus and oakartire, oakarfatuSy juga-
hire, nanamire, bibhedus, vavfthatus, viveQatus, vavar^us. The
roots d^, pi^y and 9^, and optionally jf , are said by the grammarians to
have the strong stem in weak forms ; but no examples appear to be quotable.
AY., however, has once jaliarus (probably a false reading); and in the
later language occur oaskcure {yivp scatter) and tastare.

i. The root mfj has (as in the present-system: 627) iqrddlii instead
of gu^a in strong forms: thus, mamirja; and >/guh (also as in present:
746 o) has u instead of o (bat also juguhe E.).

794. As regards the weakening in weak forms:

a. It has been seen above (788 b) that roots beginning with i or
u fuse reduplicating and radical syllable together to i or u in the
weak forms; and (784) that roots contracting va and ya to u or i
in the reduplication do it also in the root in weak forms, the two
elements here also coalescing to u or I.

b. A few roots having ya and va after a first initial consonant, and
reduplicating from the semivowel (786), contract the ya and va to i and
u: thus, vivio from >/vyac, vlvidh from )/vyadh (but vivyadhus
MBh.), 8\ifup from /svap. The extended roots jyft, pyft, vyft, 9V6,
hvft show a similar apparent contraction, making their weak forms from
the simpler roots ji, pi, vi, 9U, li% while hvS must and ^vfi may get
their strong forms also from the rame (and only jijyftu is quotable from
the others).

c. The root grabh or grab (if it be written thus: see 729 a) con-
tracts to g^h, making the three forms of stem Jagr&b (1st and 2d sing,
act.), jagrah (3d), and jagfh; butpraoh (if it be so written: see 766 a)
remains unchanged throughout.

d. Some roots omit in weak forms of this tense, or in some of them,
a nasal which is found in its strong forms: thus, we have oakrad6 etc.
(RV.) from )/krand; tataar^ (RV.) from ytaAs; dada^va&s (RV.) from
ydediq; bedhuB, bedb^, etc. (AV.) from v^andh; sejua (QB.) from
/aafij; oaskabh&ni (AV.) from /skambh; taatabhua etc. (V.),
tastabhani (V.B.), from ystambh. Compare also 788 a.

e. A number of roots having medial a between single consonants
drop that vowel. These are, in the later language, gam, khan, jan.



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285 Strong and Weak Stem-forms. [—796

ban, ghas; they form the weak stems jagm, oakhn, ji^ii, jaghn
(compare 637), Jakf (compare 640): but RV. has once jajanus.

f. In the old Ungatge are found in like manner mamnSthe and
mamnftte flrom /man; vavn6 from /van; tatne, tatni^e, tatnire
from ytajo. (beside tatane, and tate, as if from ytB,)\ paptima and
paptus and paptivafia from /pat (beside pet-forms ; below, g) j papne
from /pan; aa^oima and aaQOUBy sa^oe and sa^oird, from /aao.

g. Roots in general having medial a before a single final con-
sonant, and beginning also with a single consonant that is repeated
nnchanged in the reduplication — that is, not an aspirate, a gnttural
mnte, or h — contract their root and redaplication together into one
syllable, haying e as its vowel: thus, /sad forms the weak stem sed,
/pac forms pec, /yam forms yem; and so on.

h. Certain roots not having the form here defined are declared by the
grammarians to undergo the same contraction — most of them optionally;
and examples of them are in general of very rare occurrence. They are as
follows: ry (E.G.) and r&dh (radh?), notwithstanding their long vowel;
phai^ phal (phelire C), bhaj (occurs from RV. down), though their ini-
tial is changed in reduplication; trap, tras (tresus E.G.)* Qrath, syam,
Bvan, though they begin with more than one consonant; dambh (debhuB*
RV., from the weaker dabh), thoagh it ends with more than one; and
bhram (bhremus etc. KSS.)) bhrSj, grantb, svafij, in spite of more
reasons than one to the contrary. And QB. has aeJuB from /aafij, and
KB. has ^remuB from /9ram. On the other hand, RV. has once rarabh-
m&» and R. has papatUB, for petua, from /pat.

i. This contraction is allowed also in 2d sing. act. when the ending
is itha: thus, tenitha beside tatantha (but no examples are quotable
from the older language).

j. The roots q&q and dad (from dft: 672) are said to reject the
contraction; but no perfect forms of either appear to have been met with
in use.

k. From /ty (or tar) occurs tenia (R.); and jerua from /jf is
authorized by the grammarians — both against the general analogy of roots in f-

1. Boots ending in S lose their ft before all endings beginning
with a vowel, including those endings that assume the union-vowel i
(796) — unless in the latter case it be preferred to regard the i as a
weakened form of the ft.

706. Endings, and their union with the stem.

The general scheme of endings of the perfect indicative has

been already given (668 c); and it has also been pointed out

(643 a) that roots ending in 35(T ft have ^ ftu in 1st and 3d

sing, active.



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796—] X. Pbrfect-sybtem.

a. The ending mas instead of ma is fonnd in QU^rumaa (E.G.)-
For the alleged ooourrence of ^ve instead of dhve in 2d pi. mid., see 226 c.

706. Those of the endings which begin with a con-
sonant — namely ST tha, ^ va, q" ma in active ; H bo, ^
vahe, R% mahe, ^ dhve, *^ re in middle — aie very often,
and in the later language usually, joined to the base with
the help of an interposed union-vowel ^ i.

a. The union-Towel i is fonnd widely used also in other parts of the
general yeibal system: namely, in the sibilant aorist, the futures, and the
verbal nonns and adjectives (as also in other classes of derivative stems).
In the later language, a certain degiee of correspondence is seen among the
different parts of the same verb, as regards their nse or non-nse of the
connective: but this correspondence is not so close that general rules res-
pecting it can be given with advantage; and it will be best to treat each
formation by itself.

b. The perfect is the tense in which the nse of i has established
itself most widely and firmly in the later language.

707. The most important rules as to the use of ^ i in
the later langtiage are as follows:

a. The J re of 3d pi. mid. has it always.

b. The other consonant-endings, except ST tha of 2d

sing, act., take it in nearly all verbs.

o. But it is rejected throughout by eight verbs — namely Iq^ make,
bhf beoTf Bf gOj vj choose, dru run, qxu hear, 8tu praise, sru Jiow ;
and it is allowably (not usually) rejected by some others, in general
accordance with their usage in other formations.

d In 2d sing, act., it is rejected not only by the eight
verbs just given, but also by many others, ending in vowels
or in consonants, which in other formations have no ^ i;
but it is also taken by many verbs which reject it in other
formations; — and it is optional in many verbs, including
those in ssn* S (of which the ^n" S is lost when the ending
is ^ itha), and most of those in ^ i, ^ I, and 3 u.

e. The rules of the grammarians, especially as regards the use of tha
or itha, run out into infinite detail, and are not wholly oonslstent with
one another; and, as the forms are very infrequent, if is not possible to
criticise the statements made, and to tell how far they are founded on Uie
facts of usage.



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287 Endin(*s. [—800

f. With this i, a final radical i or i is not combined, but chang-
ed into y or iy. The u of }/bhu becomes uv throaghout before a
vowel.

798. In the older language, the usage is in part quite other-
wise. Thus :

a. In the RV., the union-vowel i is taken by roots ending in con-
sonants provided the last syllable of the stem is a heavy one, bnt not other-
ndse: thns, ilsitha, tiv6oitha» vttr^dithay hut tat&ntha and vivy&ktha;
uoim&» paptima, sedima, jxLjopimk, but jaganma, jagrbhini, jniyiu-
ma; ucif6, jajfii^^, sasShife, bnt vivitse and dad|^kf6; bubhujm&he
and ^ft^admahe etc. (no examples of ivahe or imahe chance to occur,
nor any of either idhve or dhve); ]jir6, ji^fiir^, yetire, tatalqiire,
hut cfiklpr^, vividr6, duduhre, paspfdhr^, tatasrd (and so on:
twenty-two forms). The only exception in RV. is vdttha from ^vid,
without i (in Br., also Sttha from |/ah: below, 801 a). The other Vedic
texts present nothing inconsistent with this rule, but in the Brihmanas 3d
pi. forms in ire are made after light syllables also: thus, aaafJirOy bubudh-
Ire, yuyujire, rurudhire.

b. In roots ending with a vowel, the early usage is more nearly like
the later. Thus: for roots in ft the rule is the same (except that no 2d
sing, in itha is met with), as dadhim&, dadhi^^, dadhidhv^, dadhire
(the only persons with i quotable from RV. and AV. ; and RV. has dadhre
twice); — roots in f appear also to follow the later rule: as oakf^,
papffe* vavTf^y vavpn&he, but dadhri^e and Jabhrife, and in 3d
pi. mid. both oakrir6 and dadhrire; — }/bhtl has both babhAtha
(usually) and babhttvltha, but only babhuvimi (AV.). But there are
found, against the later rules, suftimay oioyui^e, juhurd, and juhur^,
without i: the instances are too few to found a rule upon.

790. The ending rir6 of 3d pi. mid. is found in RV. in six forms:
namely, oikitrlre, jagfbhrird, dadrire, bubhujrird, vividrire, sasfj*
rire; to which SV. adds dudubrire, and TB. dad|p9rire.

800. Examples of inflection. By way of illustra-
tion of the rules given above may be given in full the per-
fect indicative inflection of the following verbs:

a. As example of the normal inflection of a root wiUi
fiaal consonant, we take the root sfU budh know: its strong
form of perfect-stem is sr)^ bubodh; weak form, «I<^fI^

bubudh.

active. middle.

t. d. p. s. d. p.

bub6dha bubodhivi -dhiwoA bubudh6 -dhiv&he -dhimihe



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800—] X. Perfect-system. 288

bub6dliitha -dh&thus -dh& bubudhi^d -dhathe ^ihidhv^

bub6dha -dh&tus -dhuB bubudhe -dhtte -dhire

b. The asserted variety of possible accent in 2d sing. act. (above 703 g)
needs to be noted both in this and in the remaining paradigms.

o. As example of the normal inflection of a root with
final i or u-vowel, we may take the root ^ nl lead: its forms
of stem are Piiti nin&y or Piiiq ninSy, and fMt ninl.

niniiya* ninaya ninyivi ninyim&niny6 ninyiv&he ninyim&he
nin^tha, nin&yitha niny&thuB ninyi ninyi^d ninyathe ninsridhve

ninaya niny&tus ninyua niny6 ninyate ninyire

d. The root kri would make (129 a) in weak forms oikriyivd,
cikrly&tusy ollcriyus, etc.; and |/bhu is inflected as follows in the
active (middle forms not qnotable):

1 babhtlva babhuvivA babhuvimi

2 babhlitha, babhtivitba babhtiv&thus babhiivi

3 babhtlva babhtivitns babhuvi^

Other roots in ^ or u change this to uv before the initial vowel of
an ending.

e. As example of the inflection of a root ending in ^ S,
we may take 7SJ dS give: its forms of stem are ^ dadS and
^ dad (or ^ dadi: see above, 704, 1).

dadft^ dadiv& dadimd dad6 dadiv&he dadimihe

2 ^?[m, ^ ?[^ ^ ^ ^ ^

dadatha, dadithd dad&thus dadd dadi^d dadathe dadidhv6

dadau dad&tus dadus dad6 dadilite dadird

f . The RY. hat once papra for paprfiu (and Jah^ for jahftu P).



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289



EXAHPLBS OF IkFLECTION.



[—800



g. As example of a root with medial 9 a showing fusion
of root and leduplication, resulting in medial ^ e, in the
weak forms (794 g), we may take rPT tan stretch: its forms
of stem are rTcFf tatAn or HHH^tatfin, and ^^ten.

1 acR. cTfTR ^1^

tat&ns, tatana tenivd

tat&ntha, teuithi ten^thas
3 rTcTH ?)HHH^



tatana



ten&tua



tenimd ten^ teniv&he tenim&he

ten& teni^ ten^the tenidhv6

tenus tene tenate tenird
h. The root jan, with the others which expel medial a in weak
forms (794 e), makes jiO^tha or ji^ith4, jajfiiv&» jajfius; jajfid,
jiOfilm&he, jiOfti'^; and so od.

i. As example of a root with initial ^ va contracted
to 3 u in the reduplication, and contracted with the redu-
plication to 3" U in weak forms (784), we may take cR vac
speak: its forms of stem are 3eR uvdc or 3c^W uv5c, and



g


3^, 3on^

uv&ca, uvica


uoiv& uoim&


-N <-. -^




1


uo6 aoiv&he
uoif^ uoathe
ac6 uoate


ucim&he


2


uv&ktha, uv&oitl:

3^m
uvtca


La Ho&thas uo4


acidhv6
acir6


3


tlc&tua QouB



j. Id like manner, yyaj forms iy^a or iyc^a, iy&f^ha or iydjitha;
]j6y Qif^y and so on; /uc has uvoca and uv6oitha in the strong
forms, and all the rest like vac.

k. Of the four roots in jRT y mentioned at 797 c, the

inflection is as follows:

eak&ra, oakara cakrv& oakpn4 oakr^ oakfv&he eakfm&he

oakdrtha oakr&thus oakri cak^d cakrathe oak^dhv^

oakara oakr&tus cakrus cakre oakrate oakrird

Whitney, Grammar, 3. ed. 19



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800—] X. Pbrfbot-ststem. 290

1. Of the roots in jf? r ^i^ general^ the first persons are
made as follows:

dadh&ra, dadh^ dadhriv& dadhrimA dadhr6 dadhriv&he dadhrim^he

m. We may further add here, finally, the actiye inflection (the middle
is not in use) of the perfect of as be^ which (like babhtiva and oakara,
given aboTe) is frequently employed as an auxiliary.

1 isA fisivi fisimd

2 faitha ftsithus &84

3 asa as&tuB asuB

801. A few miscellaneous irregularities call still for
notice:

a. The root ah apeak occurs only in the perfect indicative, and
only in the 3d persona of all numbers and in the 2d sing, and du.,
in active (and in 2d sing, the h is irregularly changed to t before
the ending): thus, attha, aha; ahathus, Shatus; ahtiB (in V., only
aha and ahus are met with).

b. From )/va weaver the 3d pi. act. fivus occurs in RV., and no
other perfect form appears to have heen met with in use. It is allowed
hy the grammarians to he inflected regularly as vft; and also as vay (the
present-stem is v&ya: 761 f), with contraction of va to u in weak forms;
and further, in the weak forms, as simple u.

c. The root vya envelop has in RV. the perfect-forms vivyathus and
vlvy6, and no others have heen met with in use; the grammarians require
the strong forms to be made from vyay, and the weak from vi.

d. The root i go forms in RV. and AV. the 2d sing. act. iy&tha
beside the regular iy6tha; and beside irir6 from ylr, RY. has several
times erir6.

e. RY. has an anomalous accent in d&d^^e and d&d^re (beside
dad^k^^) and the pple d&dpQftna. And ofketa (once, beside cik^ta) is
perhaps a kindred anomaly.

f. Persons of the perfect from the ir-forms of roots in changeable p
(242) are titlrus and tistire (both RY.); and they have corresponding
participles.

g. The bastard root Hn^u (718) is said by the grammarians to make
the perfeot-stem Uri^uiiu; the roots majj and na^ are said to insert a
nasal in the 2d sing, active, when the ending is simple tha: thus, ma-
ma&ktha, nana&ftha (also mamajjitha and ne^itha).

h. Further may be noted sasajJatuB (MBh.: j/safij, which has in
passive the secondary form aajj), rurundhatus (R.), &nd duduhus (BhP).

1. The anomalous ajagrabhaifaih (AB. vi. 35) seems a formation on
the perfect-stem (but perhaps for ajigrabhifan, desid. ?).



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291 Participle. [—805

Perfect Participle.

802. The ending of the active participle is ^tIH v5As
(that is to say, in the strong forms : it is contracted to 3^
u^ in the weakest, and replaced by ^ vdt in the middle
forms: see above, 458 ff.). It is added to the weak form
of the perfect stem — as shown, for example, in the dual
and plural of the active inflection of the given verb; and,
mechanically, the weakest participle-stem is identical with
the 3d pi. active. Thus, SR^rtH bubudhvSfiB, fHHlollH
ninivSnB, T|cho||^ oak^vfinB.

803. If the weak form of the perfect stem is monosyl-
labic, the ending takes the union-vowel ^ i (which, however,
disappears in the weakest cases): thi^s, hPimIW tenivSAs,
viii^cil^ aoiv4&s, siRlcllH jajiiivafis, MlRc|lM ftdivSAs (from
|/35|^ ad: 788 a), and so on; ^T^offtT dadivaAs and its like,
from roots in ^ S, are to be reckoned in the one class or
the other according as we view the ^ i as weakened root-
vowel or as union-vowel (794, 1).

a. But participles of which the perfect-stem is monosyllabic by ab-
sence of the reduplication do not take the union-yowel: thus, vidvaAs,
and in Y., d&^vafts (SV. d&^ivafiB), mi^hvi&s, sShva&s, khid-
vafts (?) ; and R. has also dadva&a (AV. dadivafts and once dadftva&B)
from yda (or dad: 672); an in-S^vfiiiB (|/a9 eaf) occurs in TS. and
TB. But AV. has vigivaJiB and varjiva&B (in negative fem. ivarju^I).

804. Other Yedic irregularities calling for notice are few. The long
Yowel of the reduplication (786) appears in the participle as in the indicative:
thus, vftvTdhva&B, BftBahvaAs, jujuvaAs. RY. and AY. have sasavafLB
from j/san or Bft. RY. makes the participial forms of /tp or tar from
different modifications of the root: thus, tltirvafiB, but tataru^as. Re-
specting the occasional exchanges of strong and weak stem in inflection,
see aboTe, 462 c.

805. a. From roots gam and han the Yeda makes the strong stems
jaganvaAs (as to then, see 212a) and jaghanvaAs; the later language
allows either these or the more regular jagmivftna and JaghnivafiB (the
weakest stem-forms being everywhere jagmu(j and jaghnu^). RY. has
also tatanva&B.

19*



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806—] X. Pbrpbct-system. 292

b. From three roots, vid find^ vi^, and d^^, the later language allows
strong participle-stems to be made with the nnioR-Towel, as well as in the
regular manner without it: thus, vivi9iv&&B or vivl^vfi&s; dadf^iv&fui
occurs in KthU. PB. has once oicchidiv&&8.

806. The ending of the middle participle is &nd. It
is added to the weak form of perfect-stem, as this appears
in the middle inflection: thus, 5|5TqH bubudhSna, Ih^H
niny&nd, ^^ dadSnd, cRH tenSnd, sTgR jajiiSn&, 3i^H
uoSnd.

a. In the Veda, the long reduplicating vowel Is shown by many middle
participles: thus, vftv^^dhfind, vavas&nd, dadph&i^ tiitujftnd* etc.
RY. has 9a9ayan& from ^/^i (with irregular gui^a, as in the present-
system: 620J; tiBtir&nd from i/^t^f <^^ ^^^^ ^i^^ mftna, saspnand
from y'sip. A few participles with long redupl. vowel have it irregularly
accented (as if rather intensive: 1018): thus, tlttujftna (also tatnjftnd),
babadh&na, Qa^adana, QUQujfina, 9il9uvana.

807. In the later language, the perfect participles have nearly gone
out of use; even the active appears but rarely, and is made from
very few verbs, and of the middle hardly any examples are quotable,
save such as the proper name ynyudhana, the adjective anucftna
learned in scripture^ etc.

Modes of the Perfect.

808. Modes of the perfect belong only to the Vedic language,
and even are seldom found outside of the Rig-Veda.

a. To draw the line surely and distinctly between these and the
mode-forms from other reduplicated tense-stems — the present-stem of the
reduplicating class, the reduplicated aorlst, and the intensive — is not pos-
sible, since no criterion of form exists which does not In some cases fail, and
since the general equivalence of modal forms from all stems (682), and the
«>ommon use of the perfect as a present in the Veda (828), deprive as of
a criterion of meaning. There can be no reasonable doubt, however, that
a considerable body of forms are to be reckoned here; optatives like ftna*
9yfiin and babhtly&B and babhflyat, imperatives like babhutu, subjunc-
tives like jabh&rat, show such distinctive characteristics of the perfect
formation that by their analogy other similar words are confidently classed
as belonging to the perfect.

809. The normal method of making such forms would appear
to be as follows: from a reduplicated perfect-stem, as (for example)
mumuc, an imperative would be made by simply appending, as
usual, the imperative endings; the derived subjunctive mode-stem
would be miim6ca (accented after the analogy of the strong forms



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293 Modes. [—818

of the perfect indioatiye), and would take either primary or secondary
endingB; and the optative mode-stemB would be mumuoya in the
active, and mumuoi (accent on personal endings) in the middle.

And the great majority of the forms in question (about three
quarters) are made in these ways. Thus:

810. Examples of the regular subjunctive formation are:

a. with secondary endings, actiye: 2d sing., papr&thaB, cftk&nas,
mfim&hasy pipr&yaSt bubodhas, rftr&nas; 3d sing., cftk&naty jabh&rat,
rftr&nat, sftB&hat, paBp&r9at» pipr&yat; 1st pi., o&k&nftma, tat&nfima,
9€tQ&v&ma; 3d pi., tatAnan, papr&than (other persons do not occur).
This is the largest class of cases.

b. with primary endings, active: here seem to belong only dadhAr-
fati and vav&rtati: compare the formation with different accent below,
811a.

o. of middle forms occur only the 3d sing, tat&pate, QaQdmatOy
yuyojate, Jujo^ate (SY.; RY. has j^ofate); and the 3d pi. c&]dtnanta»
tatdnanta (and perhaps two or three others:, below, 811 b, end).

811. But not a few sabjunctives of other formation occur; thus:

a. With strengthened root-syllable, as abOTO, but with accent on the
reduplication (as in the minority of present-forms of the reduplicating class :
above, 646). Here the forms with primary endings, active, preponderate,
and are not yery rare: for example, JuJosaBi, J^o^atl, juJofaihaSt
jiijofatlia (other persons do not occur). With secondary endings, j^Ofas*
j^o^at, and jujo^an are the forms that belong most distinctly here (since
d&dft^as and Bu^udas etc. are perhaps rather aorlsts). And there is no
middle form but jujo^ate (RY.: see above, 810 o).

b. With unstrengthened root-syllable occur a small body of forms,
which are apparently also accented on the reduplication (accented examples
are found only in 3d pi. mid.): thus, active, for example, mumuoaa;
vav^tat, vividat, 9UQUvat; the only middle forms are dadh|i|fate,
vftv^dhate, 3d sing.; and o&kramanta» d&dh|faxita, runicanta (with
dadabhajita, paprathanta, m&mahanta, juhuranta» which might also
belong elsewhere: 810 o).

c. Accented on the ending are vftvTdh&nta and cfikk|rp&nta (whioh
are rather to be called augmentless pluperfects).

d. As to forms with double mode-sign, or transfers to an a-conjugation,
see below, 815.

812. Examples of the regular optative formation are:

a. In active: 1st sing., ftna^yftm, jagamySm, pap)*oyam, ririo-
yftm; 2d sing., vavrtyfts, vivi^y&B, 9UQraya8, babhuyfia; 3d sing.,
jagamyfit» vavftyftt, tatujyat, babhuyat; 2d du., jagmyfttam, 9U9TII-
yatam; 1st pi., BftBahyftma, vavTty&ma, 9U9uyftma; 3d pi., tatanyuB,
vavfjyuB, vavTtyaB. The forms are quite numerous.



Digitized by VjOOQ IC



8ia— ] X. Pbepbct-system. 294

b. In middle, the forms are few: namely, let sing., vavftiya; 2d
sing., Tftv^dhithas, caksamlth&s ; 3d sing., jagrasita, vav^ita,
mamfjita, dudhuvita, QU9uoita; Itt pi., vav^tlmahi. And sftsa- .
hifth&8 and ririfl^^a appear to famish examples of precative optative
forms.

o. There is no irregular mode of formation of perfect optatiyee. Indi-
vidual irregularities are shown by certain forms: thus, oakriy&s, papiyftt,
9U9ruya8 and QUQrtlyatam, with treatment of the final as before the
passive-sign yd (770); anajy&t with short initial; 9i9rlt& from y'^ri;
jaJqiiy&t is anomalous: riri^es in the only form that shows a union-vowel
a (unless also ai^ei, from )/b&).

813. Of regular imperative forms, only a very small number are to
be quoted: namely, active, oftkandhi, rftrandhi, cikiddhi, titigdhl,
mumugdhi, 9U9Tigdhi, and plprihi; c&kantu, rarantu, mumoktu,
and babhutu; miimuktam and vay^ktam; jujuftana and vav^ttaua
(unless we are to add mamaddhit mamattUy mam&ttana) ; — middle,
vav^tBva and vavrddhvam. AV. has once dadr9rftm.

814. As irregular imperatives may be reckoned several which show



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