William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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a nnion-vowel a, or have been transferred to an a-conjugation. Such are,
in the active, mum6catam and jiijofatam (2d du.), and iniiin6oata
(2d pi.); in the middle, pipr&yasva (only one found with accent), and
mftmahaBva» v&vplhasva, TftYr^asva (2d sing.), and mfimahant&m
(dd pi.: probably to be accented -&8va and -&ntSm).

816. Such imperatives as these, taken in connection with some of
the subjunctives given above (and a few of the "pluperfect" forms: below,
820), suggest as plausible the assumption of a double present-stem, with
reduplication and added a (with which the desiderative stems would be
comparable: below, 1026 ff.): for example, jujofa from j/juf, from which
would come j^Jofa8i etc. and jujo^ate (811a) as indicative, J^o^as
etc. as subjunotively used augmentlcss imperfect, and jujo^atam as im-
perative. Most of the forms given above as subjunctives with primary
ending lack a marked and constant subjunctive character, and would pass
fairly well as indicatives. And it appears tolerably certain that from one
root at least, v^pdh, such a double stem is to be recognized ; from v&iqpdlia
come readily vftv^rdhatey v&v^dh&nta, and from it alone can come regu-
larly vftv^dhasva, v&y^dh^te and vavrdhftti (once, RV.) — and, yet
more, the participle vav|rdh4nt (RY. ; AY. vftv^dhtot : an isolated case) :
yet even here we bave also vftv^dhlthas, not vSv|^dh6th&8. To assume
double present-stems, however, in all the cases would be highly implau-
sible; it is better to recognize the formation as one begun, but not car-
ried out.

a. Only one other subjunctive with double mode-sign — namely,
paproftai — is found to set beside vftv^dhftti.

816. Forms of different model are not very seldom made from the
same root: for example, from y'muo, the subjunctives inum6oa0, mt&ino-

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295 Plupbrfbgt. [>-821

oati, ftud mumuoas; from ydhf^, dadh&r^ati and dadh^ate; from
yptiy the imperatives piprlhi and pipr&yasTa.


817. Of an augment-preterit from the perfect-stem, to which the
name of pluperfect is given on the ground of its formation (though
not of its meaning), the Veda presents a few examples ; and one or
two forms of the later language (mentioned above, 788 b) have also
been referred to it.

a. There is much of tbe same difficulty in distlngaishing the pluperfect
as the perfect modes from kindred reduplicated formations. Between it and
the aorist, however, a difference of meaning helps to make a separation.

818. The normal pluperfect should show a strong stem in the singular
active, and a weak one elsewhere — thus, mtimoc and mumuo — with
augment prefixed and secondary endings added (uB in 3d pi. act., ata in
3d pi. mid.).

a. Of forms made according to this model, we have, in the active:
Ist sing., ajagrabham and aoaoak^am (which, by its form, might be
aorist: 860); 2d siog. Ajagan; 3d sing., ajagan and aoiket; 2d da.,
amumuktam ; 2d pi. ^aganta, and Ajagantana and ajabhartana (a
strong form, as often in this person: 556a); 3d pL (perhaps), ama-
manduB and amamadus. To these may be added the aagmentless o&k&n
and rar&n, clk^tam and cakaram. In the middle, the 3d pi. aoakriran
and ajagmiran (with Iran instead of ata), and the aagmentless 2d sing.
jugurthSs and sufupthia, are the most regular forms to be found.

819. Several forms f^m roots ending in consonants save the endings
in 2d and 3d sing. act. by inserting an i (556 bj. tUib, abubhojlB,
avive9i9; aiirecit, ^agrabhlt (av&varit an<k flMira^itam ar« rather
intensives); and the augmentless jfhifisis (accent?) and dadhan|fit belong
with them.

8SK). A few forms show a stem ending in a: they are, in the active:
3d sing., aeasvajat, aoikitat, aoakrat; in the middle: 3d sing., &pip-
rata; 2d du., ipasprdhetham ; 3d pi., atitvi^anta (which by its form
might be aorist), Ma^hant:.} and oakradat, oakn>tota, vftvydhtota,
jahnranta, would perhaps be best classified here as augmentless forms
(compare 811, above).

Uses of the Perfect

821. Perfects are quotable as made from more than half the
roots of the language, and they abound in use at every period and
in almost all branches of the literature, though not always with the
same value.

a. According to the Hindu grammarians, the perfect is used in the

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821—] X. Pbrpbothsystem. 296

narration of facts not witnessed by the narrator; bnt there is no eTidenoe
of its being either exclusively or distinctiyely so employed at any period.

b. In the later laoj^age, it is simply a preterit or past tense,
equivalent with the imperfect, and freely interchangeable or coor-
dinated with it. It is on the whole less common than the imperfect,
although the preferences of different anthors are diverse, and it some-
times exceeds the imperfect in frequency (compare 927).

o. The perfects veda and ftha are everywhere used with present
value. In the Brahmanas, also others, especially dfidhftra, also dldfiya,
bibhftyat etc.

822. lu the Brahmanas, the distinction of tense-yalue between per-
fect and imperfect is almost altogether lost, as in the later language. Bat
in most of the texts the imperfect is the ordinary tense of narration, the
perfect being only exceptionally used. Thus in PB., the imperfects are to
the perfects as more than a hundred to one; in the Brahmana parts of Ti^.
and TB., as over thirty-four to one; and in those of MS. in about the
same proportion; in AB., as more than four to one, the perfect appearing
mostly in certain passages, where it takes the place of imperfect. It is
only in ^B. that the perfect is much more commonly used, and even, to
a considerable extent, in coordination with the imperfect. Throughout the
Bi^hmanas, however, the perfect participles have in general the true "per-
fect" value, indicating a completed or proximate past.

823. In the Veda, the case is very different. The perfect is used
as past tense in narration, bnt only rarely; sometimes also it has a true
^^perfect" sense, or signifies a completed or proximate past (like the aorist
of the Mer language: M8); but oftenest it has a value hardly or not
'.t hLI 'listlngni-nable in pnint of time from the present. It is thus the
'equivalent r( <n perfect, ;^ori$t, and present; and it occurs coordinated with
tnem alt

a. Examples are: of perfect with present, n& 9rftmyaiiti n& vi
muficanty 6te v&yo n4 paptuh (RV.) they weary not nor stop, iheyjiy
like birds; ae 'd u reua ki^ayati oar^ai^Inam aran nk nemfh p&ri
ti babhuva (RV.) he in truth rules king of men; he embraces them all,
as the wheel the spokes \ — of perfect with aorist, upo ruruoe yuvatir
n& y69& . . . dbhtid agni^ samfdhe m&iuf&nftm &kar Jy6tir badh-
amftnfi t&mft&Bi (RV.) she is come beaming like a young maiden; Agni
hath appeared for the kindling of mortals ; she hath made light, driving away
the darkness) — of perfect with imperfect, ihann &him &nv ap&8 tatarda
(RV.) he slew the dragon, he penetrated to the waters. Such a coordination
as this last is of constant occurrence in the later language: e. g. mumude
'p^Jayao tSA 'nftm (R.) he was glad, and paid honor to her\ vastrftnte
Jagrftha skandhade^e '8|jat tasya srajam (MBh.) she took hold of
the end of his garment, and dropped a garland on his shoulders.

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297 Varieties of Aorist. [ — 884



824. Under the name of aorist are included (as was
pointed out above^ 682) three quite distinct formations, each
of which has its sub-varieties: namely —

I. A SIMPLE A0RI8T (equivalent to the Greek '^second
aorist^), analogous in all respects as to form and inflection
with the imperfect. It has two varieties: 1. the root-aorist,
with a tense-stem identical with the root (corresponding
to an imperfect of the root-class); 2. the a-aorist, with a
tense-stem ending in ^ d, or with union-vowel ^ a before
the endings (corresponding to an imperfect of the &-class).

II. 3. A REDUPLICATING AORIST, perhaps in origin iden-
tical with an imperfect of the reduplicating class, but having
come to be separated from it by marked peculiarities of form.
It usually has a union- vowel ^ a before the endings, or is
inflected like an imperfect of one of the a-classes; but a
few forms occur in the Veda without such vowel.

III. A siGMATic or SIBILANT AORIST (corresponding to the
Greek "first aorist"), having for its tense-sign a H s added
to the root, either directly or with a preceding auxiliary
^ i; its endings are usually added immediately to the tense-
sign, but in a small number of roots with a union-vowel
35r a; a very few roots also are increased by H s for its
formation; and according to these differences it falls into
four varieties: namely, A. without union-vowel 5C a before
endings: 4. s-aorist, with H s alone added to the root;
5. if^-aorist, the same with interposed ^ i; 5. sif^-aorist,

4he same as the preceding with H s added at the end of
the root; B. with union-vowel ^ a, 7. sa- aorist.

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826. All these varieties are bound together and made
into a single complex system by certain correspondences of
form and meaning. Thus, in regard to form, they are all
alike, in the indicative, augment-preterits to which there does
not exist any corresponding present; in regard to meaning,
although in the later or classical language they are simply
preterits, exchangeable with imperfects and perfects, they
all alike have in the older language the general value of
a completed past or ^perfect", translatable by have done and
the like.

826. The aorigt-system is a formation of iiifreqaent occnrrenoe in
much of the classical Sanskrit (its forms are fonnd, for example, only
twenty-one times in the Nala, eight in the Hitopade^a, seven in Manu, six
each in the Bhagavad-Gita and ^akuntala, and sixty-six times, from four-
teen roots, in the first book, of about 2600 lines, of the Ramayana: com-
pare 027 b), and it possesses no participle, nor any modes (excepting in
the prohibitive use of its augmentless forms: see 679; and the so-called
precative: see 921 ff.); in the older language, on the other hand, it is
quite common, and has the 'nhole variety of modes belonging to the present,
and sometimes participles. Its description, accordingly, must be given
mainly as that of a part of the older language, with due notice of its res-
triction in later use.

827. a« In the RY., nearly half the roots occurring show aorist forms,
of one or another class ; in the AY. , rather less than one third ; and in the
other texts of the older language comparatively few aorists occur which are
not found in these two.

b. More than Afty roots, in RY. and AY. together, make aorist forms
of more than one class (not taking into account the reduplicated or ^^causa-
tive" aorist); but no law appears to underlie this variety; of any relation
such as is taught by the grammarians, between active of one class and
middle of another as correlative, there is no trace discoverable.

C. Examples are: of classes 1 and 4, adhfim and dhiauB from
|/dhfty ayuji and ayukfata from Vj\xi\ — of 1 and 5, agrabham and
agrabhi^ma from i/grabh, mr^t^i&s and mar^i^thfis from yvE^\ —
of 1 and 2, firta and ftrat from 1/7; — of 2 and 4, avidam and avitoi
from |/vid Jind, anijam and an&ikfit from /nij ; — of 2 and 5, 8an6-
ma and asftnifam from |/Ban; — of 2 and 7, aruham and aruk^at
from /ruh; — of 4 and 5, amateus and amftdifus from ymad; —
of 4 and 6, hasmalii and hasifus from ylift; — of 1 and 2 and 4,
atnata and atanat and at&n from |/tan; — of 1 and 4 and 5, abudli-
ran and ibhutsi and b6dlii9at from >/btidh» &8tar and Btf^^ya and

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aBtariB from ystj^. Often the second, or second and third, class is rep-
resented by only an isolated form or two.

1. Simple Aorisi

8S8. This 18, of the three principal diyisions of aorist, the one
least removed from the analogy of forms already explained; it is
like an imperfect, of the root-class or of the i-class, without a corres-
ponding present indicative, but with (more or less fragmentarily) all
the other parts which go to make up a complete present-system.

1. Boot-aorist.

829. a. This foimation is in the later language limited
to a few roots in 3^ a and the root ^ bhti, and is allowed
to be made in the active only, the middle using instead
the s-aorist (4), or the ifh-aorist (5).

b. The roots in ^ a take 3R us as 3d pi. ending, and,
as usual, lose theii ^ S befofe it; H bhtl (as in the perfect:
793 a) retains its vowel unchanged throughout, inserting
^ V after it before the endings W\ am and 3^ an of 1st
sing, and 3d pi. Thus:





&bhuvam ibhuva

&dfttam ddftta







3 ^(^i^ M<^iHiH^ ^nrr^ ^MtT^

idftt adatfim &du8 &bhQt

For the classical Sanskrit, this is the whole story.

830. In the Veda, these same roots are decidedly the most fre-
quent and conspicuous representatives of the formation: especially
the roots gft, da, dha, pa drinky stha, bhu; while sporadic forms
are made from jfia, pra, sa, ha. As to their middle forms, see
below, 834 a.

a. Instead of abhuvam, RY. has twice abhnvam. BhP. has agan,
3d p]., instead of agns.

831. But aorists of the same class are also made from a num-
ber of roots in y, and a few in i- and u-vowels {short or long) —

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with, as required by the analogy of the tense with an imperfect of
the root-class, gui^-strengthening in the three persons of the singalar.
a. Thas (in the active), from >^^ni, &^ravain and a^rot ; from ^^ri,
^^res and &9ret} from ykf make, &karam and &kar (for akars and
akart); from vr enclose^ ivB,v (685 a); and so &8tar, aspar. Daal and
plural forms are much less frequent than singular; but for the most part
they also show an irregular strengthening of the root- vowel : thus (including
augmentless forms), &kanna and karma and &karta, vartam, spartam*
&hema and &hetana» bhema, a^ravan ; regular are only avran» ilnraii,
ahyan, and i^riyan.

832. Further, from a few roots with medial (or initial) yowel
capable of gui^-strengthening and haviag in general that strengthen-
ing only in the singular.

a. Thus, ibhedam and abhet from |/bhid; imok from )/mao;
yojam from >^yi]J ; rok (VS.) from yruj ; arodham and arudhma from
V'rudh; avart from V'vyt; vdrk from Vvifi (AV. has once av^k); adar-
9am from v'df^; ardhma from V^dh; and adr9an» avfjan, a9vitan.
But ohedma; with guna, from >/ohid, and adar9ma (TS.) from yd^,

833. Again, from a larger number of roots with a as radical
vowel : ^

a. Of these, gam (with n for m when final or followed by m: 143 a,
212 a) is of decidedly most frequent occurrence, and shows the greatest
variety of forms: thus, 4gamam, 4gan (2d and 3d sing.), iganina,
aganta (strong form), 4gman. The other cases are akran from ]/kram;
&tan from >/tan; abhrftt from }/bhrfiJ; aakan from yskand; asrat
from ysraiis (? VS.); dhak and daghma from |/dagh; anaf (585a)
and anaftftm from v^na9; ^has or aghat, dghaatfim, aghasta, and
ik^an (for aghsan, like agman) from y^ghas; and the 3d pi. in us.
akramus, ayamu8» dabhus, n^tus (pf.?). mandus.

834. So far only active forms have been considered. In the
middle, a considerable part of the forms are such as are held by the
grammarians (881) to belong to the s-aorist, with omission of the a:
they doubtless belong, however, mostly or altogether, here. Thus:

a. From roots ending In vowels, we have adhithfts, adhita (also
ahita), and adhimahi; adith949» adita, and adimahi (and adimahi
from y^dacuQ; &9ita(?); sim&hi; &8thith&8 and &8thita and iathiran,
forms of ft-roots; — of |*-root9, akri» ^kfthfiB, ik^ta, akr&t&in» &krata
(and the anomalous kr&nta); avri» aTqrthaa, av|*ta; ftrta, &rata; m^pthSs,
am|*ta; dh^thfts; adpthas; ast^ta; ah^thas; giirta; — of i and u roota,
the only examples are ahvi (? AV., once), ihiimahi, and &oidhvam..
The absence of any analogies whatever for the omission of a a in such
forms, and the occurrence of avri and akri and &krata, show that their
reference to the B-aorist is probably without sufficient reason.

b. As regards roots ending in consonants, the case is more question-
able, since loss of s after a final consonant before thfts and ta (and, of

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301 1- ROOT-AORIST. [—886

courBe, dhvam) woald be in many cases required by euphonic rule (233 o fP.)-
We find, howeTer, such unmistakable middle inflection of the root-aorist as
ayujiy iynkthfts, iyukta, ayujmahi, iyugdhvam, &srujran; a^fa
and a^ata; n&&9i; apadi (Ist sing.) and apadmahi and apadran;
&mamnahi ; g&nvahi and dganmahi and &gmata; atnata; ^ijani
(Ist sing.) and ajfiata (3d pi.) ; from |/gam are made agathllB and agata,
from ytaiif atathfts and &tata, and from |/inan, amata, with treatment
of the final like that of han in present inflection (637). The ending ran
is especially f^quent in 3d pi., being taken by a number of verbs which
hsye no other middle person of this aorist: thus, ag^bhran, Asfgrany
ad^^raiiy abudhran, &vrtran, aju^ran, akn>F&3i» asp^dhran, avaa-
ran, &vi9ran; and ram is found beside ran in &dr9ram, &badhram»

c. From roots of which the final would combine with s to k^, it
seems more probable that aorist- forms showing k (instead of 9) before the
ending belong to the root-aorist : such are amnkthfts (and imugdhvam),
apfkthfts and ap^kta, &bhakta» av^kta, asakthfts and aaakta* rik-
thfts, vikthfts and vikta» amkta; apra^t^ aya^fa, &8pa9ta» aa^thfta
and &a^ta, and mfr^thfta would be the same in either case.

d. There remain, as cases of more doubtful belonging, and probably
to be ranked in part with the one formation and in part with the other,
according to their period and to the occurrence of other persons : chitthfta*
nutthaa and &nutta and &nuddhvam, patthfta, bhitth&a, amatta,
atapthfta, alipta, aa^pta; and finally, drabdha, alabdha, aruddha»
abuddha, ayuddha, and drogdhfta (MBh.: read dmgdhfta): see 883.

Modes of the Root-aoriat.

835. Subjunctive. In subjunctive use, forms identical with the
augmentless indicative of this aorist are much more frequent than the more
proper subjunctives. Those to which no corresponding form with augment
occurs have been given above; the others it is unnecessary to report in

836. a. Of true subjunctives the forms with primary endings are
quite few. In the active, k&ra^, g&ni, gamftni (for bhuvftnl, see be-
low, o); k&raai; athftti, dati and dhati (which are almost indicative in
value), karati, jofati, padftti, bhMatl, rftdhati, varjati; athathaa,
karathaa and karataa, dar^athaa* 9ravathaa and ^rdvataa; and
(apparently) karanti, g&manti. In the middle, jo^aae; idhat6 (?),
k&rate, bh6jate, yojate, v&ijate; dh6the and dh&ithe; k&ramahe,
dbSmahe, g&m&mali&i.

b. Forms with secondary endings are, in the active, d&r9am, bho-
jam, yojam; k&raa, t&rdaa, p&roaa, yamaa, r&dhfta, v&raa; k4rat,
g&mat» garat» jb^at* daghat, padat, y&mat, yodhat, radhat, varat,
▼&rtat, 9r&vat, a&ghat» ap&rat; k&rama, gamama, radhama; g&man.

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836—] XI. A0RI8T-8YSTEMS. 302

garan, d^r^an, yaman. No middle formi are clMsiflable with confidence

0. The series bhavam, bhuvas, bhuvat, bhuvan, and bhurftni
(compare abhuvam: 830 a), and the isolated 9ruvat, are of donbtmi
belongings; with a different accent, they would seem to be of the next
class; here, a gtu^-strengthening would be more regular (but note the
absence of gui^a in the aorist indioatiye and the perfect of ybhti).

837. Optative. The optative active of this aorist constitutes, with
a 8 interposed between mode-sign and personal endings (567), the preca-
tive active of the Hindu grammarians, and is allowed by them to be made
from every verb, they recognizing no connection between It and the aorist.
But in the 2d sing, the interposed 8 is not distinguishable from the personal
ending; and, after the earliest period (see 838), the ending crowds out the
sibilant in the 3d sing., which thus comes to end in y&t instead of yfts
(compare 665 a).

a. In the older language, however, pure optative forms, without the 8,
are made from this tense. From roots in ft occur (with change of S to e
before the y: 250 d) deyftm, dheySm and dheyuB, and stheyftina;
in u-vowels, bhuy&na; in |p, kriy&ma; in consonants, a^yam and
a^yama and a9yu8» vfjyfim, 9akyftm, yiijyftva and yxijyatftm» BfiliyS-
ma, and tfdyuB.

b. The optative middle of the root-aorist is not recognized by the
Hindu grammarians as making a part of the precative formation. The RY.
has, however, two precative forms of it, namely padift& and mucli}^.
Much more common in the older language are pure optative forms: namely,
a9iy& and a9im&hi (this optative is especially common), indluya, g^iuya,
muriya, ruoiya; arlta, uhita, vurita; idhimahi» na^imahi, nasi-
mahi, p^imahi, mudimahi, yamimahi; and probably, from 5-roots.
sim&hi and dhimahi (which might also be augmentless indicative, since
adhimahi and adhit&m also occur). All these forms except the three
in 3d sing, might be precative according to the general understanding of
that mode, as being of persons which even by the native authorities are not
claimed ever to exhibit the inserted sibilant.

838. Precative active forms of this aorist are made from the earliest
period of the language. In RV., they do not occur from any root which
has not also other aorist forms of the same class to show. The RV. forms
are: 1st sing., bhtiy&sam ; 2d sing., avy&8» Jiley&s, bhftyas, m^rdhyfia,
aahyfts; 3d sing, (in -yfis, for -yast; RV. has no 3d sing, in yftt, whicb
is later the universal ending), avyfta, a^y&s, ^dhyfta, gamyds, da^^hyfts,
peyfts, bhtiyaB» yamyfts, ytlyaA, vrjyfts, ^ruySa, sahy&s; 1st pi.,
kriy&Bxna (beside kriyftma: 837 a). AV. has six 1st persons sing, in
-yasam, one 2d in -yas, one 3d in -yat (and one in -y&a, in a RV.
passage), three 1st pi. in -yaaina (beside one in y&ma, in a RV. passage),
and the 2d bhuyftstha (doubtless a false reading: TB. has -sta in the
corresponding passage). From this time on, the pure optative forms nearly

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303 1. ROOT-AORIST. [—840

disappear (the exceptlonB are giveu iu 887 a). But the precatlve forms are
nowhere commou, excepting as made from yl>ha; and from no other root
is anything like a complete series of persons quotable (only bhayftsva
and bhuy&stftm being wanting; and these two persons have no represent-
ative from any root). All together, active optative or precative forms are
made in the older language from over fifty roots; and the epic and classical
texts add them from hardly a dozen more: see further 926.

839, Imperative. Imperative forms of the root-aorist are not rare
in the early language. Iu the middle, indeed, almost only the 2d sing,
occurs: it is accented either regularly, on the ending, as k^v&y dhi^v&y
ynk^v^, or on the root, as mitava» y&kfva, v&&8va» Tt&va, s&kfva;
difva and mSsva are not found with accent; the 2d pi. is represented
by k^dhvam, vo^vam. In the active, all the persons (2d and 3d) are
found in use; eitamples are: 2d sing., Iqpdhf, v^dhi, ^agdhf, ^rudhf,
gadhi, yaihdhl, gahi, mfthi, 8&hi, mogdhi; 3d sing., gaihtu, d&tu,
a^tu, 9r6tu, s6tu; 2d du., d&tam, jitam, ^aktam, ^rut&m, bhilt&m,
Bp^ptam« gat&m, rikt&m, vo^bam, sitam, sut&m; 3d du., only gaih-
t&m, datam» vo<}ham; 2d pi., g&t&, bhut4, Qmta, Iqrta, gata, data,
dh&tana; 3d pi., only dh&ntu, Qruvantu. These are the most regular
forms; but irregularities as to both accent and strengthening are not infre-
quent. Thus, strong forms in 2d du. and pi. are yaiht&m, varktam,
vartam ; k&rta, g&ihta (once gaihtA), y&ihta, vartta, beta, 9r6ta, 86ta ;
and, with tana, k&rtana, g&iiitana, yaihtana, sotana, and the irregular
dhetana (ydh&); in 3d du., g&iiitam. Much more irregular are y6dhi
(instead of jraddhf) from >^yudh, and bodbi from both |/budh and yhh^

Online LibraryWilliam Dwight WhitneyA Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana → online text (page 31 of 59)