William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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occurrences (personal forms and participles together) from over sixty roots;
and forms from more than a hundred and fifty roots are quotable from the
older texts.

Modes of tbe s-fature.

988. Mode-forms of the future are of the utmost rarity. The only
example in the older language is kaxi^y^, 2d sing. subj. act., occurring
once (or twice) in BY. (AB. has once notsy&vabfti, and GB. has efyA-
mabfti* taAsyfimab&i, Btbisy&mab&i, but they are doubtless false

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938—] XII. Future-systems. 334

readings for -he. Two or three optative forms are found in tbe epics : thus,
dhalqiyet and maftsyeran (MBh.), and drak^yeta (R.); also an imper-
atire patayantu (Har.). And several 2d pi. mid. in dhvam are quotable
from the epics : thus, vetayadhTam, savi^adhTam, and (the caosatiTe)
kfilaylfyadh-rtiin (PB.) and JlTayi^yadhvam (MBh.: and one text has
mok^yadhvam at i. 133. 13, where the othw reads mokfayadhvam),
and bhavl^yadhvam (MBh. R.) : it is a matter of question whether these
are to be accounted a real imperative formation, or an epic substitution of
secondary for primary endings (compare 642 a).

Fartioiples of the s-fature.

939. Participles axe made from the future-stem precisely
as £rom a present-stem in 3Ef a: namely, by adding in the
active the ending tT nt, in the middle the ending ^TH m&na;
the accent remains upon the stem. Thus, from the verbs
instanced above, ^THTFT dSsy&nt and <^|fHHH dSsydmSna^
ehf(fi.Utl karify&nt and c^f^mHIUI karl^yimB^.

a. According to the grammarians, the feminine of the active participle
is made either in &nti or in atlj hut only the former has heen noted as
occurring in the older language, and the latter is everywhere extremely
rare : see above, 449 e» f •

b. In BY. occurs once ettfyanti, from yB% with anomalous aocent*

Preterit of the s-future: Conditional.

940. From the future-stem is made an augment-preterit,
by prefixing the augment and adding the secondary endings,
in precisely the same manner as an imperfect from a present-
stem in ^ a. This preterit is called the conditional.

a. It stands related to the future, in form and meaning, as the Fren^
conditional aurais to the future auroi, or as the English would hat>e to
toiU have — nearly as the German wUrde haben to toerde haben.

b. Thus, from the roots already instanced:

active. middle,

s. d. p. s. d. p.

1 35r5TFlR^ *l<l^iJN *I<IVUIH 3EI^ ^HTT^ M<[VUIhR>
^dSsyam idftsyftva &d&8y&ma 4dft0ye &disy&vahi &dfiByfimahl

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335 The Conditional. [—948

2 H{\krUk\^ SRJFOrPT^ *<<.IVUH Jy<lfU8IW^ ^<lfI)«IW^ 35|^IHra^
idSsyas idftsyataxn ftdftsyata idftsyathfts ^dftsyethftm Adfiayadhvam

Adfisyat &dft8yatSm ^dftsyan idftsyata ftdftsyetfim ^dftsyanta


*Hl(^yH^ *Hf(^UW ***n^W Jgsfrf{^ M4it(^Nr^ Mchf(miHf^

i^Larifyam ikari^yftva ikari^yfima ^kfiri^ye Akari^yftvahi ftkarifyftmahi

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

941. The conditional is the rarest of all the forms of the Sanskrit
Terb. The RV. has bat a single example, dbhari^yat was going to carry
off, and none of the Vedic texts famishes another. In the BrShmanas it
is hardly more common — except in QB., where it is met with more than
fifty times. Nor does it, like the future, become more frequent later: not
an example occurs in Nala, Bhagavad-Gita, or Hitopade9a; only one in
Manu; and two in Qakuntala. In the whole MBh. (Holtzmann) it is found
about twenty-fire times, f^om thirteen roots. The middle forms are ex-
tremely few.

II. The Periphrastic Future.

942. a. This formation contains only a single indicative
active tense (or also middle: see 947), without modes, or
paitioiple, or preterit.

b. It consists in a derivative nomen agentis, having the
value of a future active participle, and used, either with
or without an accompanying auxiliary, in the office of a
verbal tense with future meaning.

943. The noun is formed by the suffix ^ tf (or fTJ"

tar); and this (as in its other than verbal uses: see 1182]

is added to the root either directly or with a preceding

auxiliary vowel 3^ i, the root itself being strengthened by

sru^ but the accent resting on the suffix: thus, ^fT dStf

from y^ dS give ; SRcT kartf from y^ ky make ; H^FT bhavitf

from VH bhtl be,

a. As regards the presence or absence of the vowel i, the usage is
said by the grammarians to be generally the same as in the B-future from
the same root (above, 935). .The most important exception is that the
roots in x take no i : thas, kaii^ (against karifya) ; roots han and gam
show the same difference ; while v^t^ vjdh, and syand have i here, though

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^48—] XII. Future-systems. 336

not in the B-futnre. The few forms which occur in the older Ungnsge
agree with these statements.

044. In the third persons, the nom. masc. of the noun,

in the three numbers respectively (873), is used without

auxiliary: thus, H^FTT bhavitfi he or she or it toill he\

H^Trnft bhavitSrau both will be; HUr\\{k\ bhavitfiras they

toill be. In the other persons, the first and second persons

present of y^i^ as be (636) are used as auxiliary; and they

are combined, in all numbers, with the singular nom. maso.

of the noun.

a. Thus, from y^ dS give:

s. d. p.

i ^IHlfw ^HIHH ^ <IHIHIH ^

datasmi d&tasvas dftt&maB

dfttasi dataathaa dfttastha

d&ti dattrftn d&t&ras

b. Occasionally, in the epics and later (almost ne^er in the older
language), the norm of the tense as given above is in varioaB respects de-
parted from: thus, by use of the auxiliary in the 3d person also; by its
omission in the 1st or 2d person; by iuyersion of the order of noun and
auxiliary; by interposition of other words between them; by use of a dual
or plural nom. with the auxiliary; and by use of a feminine form of the
noun. Examples are: vaktft 'sti (MBh.) hs toill speak; nlhantft (MBh.)
/ shall or thou wilt strike down^ yoddhft 'ham (R.) / shall Jight, aliaih
dra9t& (MBh.) / shall see, kartA liaih te (BhP.) / wHl do for thee^
tvaih bhavitfi (MBh. Megh.) thou wilt be; asm! gantfi (MBh.) I shall
go] pratigrahitfi tfim asm! (MBh.) I wiU receive her, hant&tvam asi
(MBh.) thou wilt slay; kartfirfiu sval^ (BIBh.) we two shall do; dra^fry
asmi (MBh.) / (f.) shall see, ndbhavitri (Nai?.) she will increase,
gantrl (Y.) she will go. AB. has once sotfi as 2d sing., thou wiU press;
JUB. makes the combination 9ma9fin&]ii bhavitfiras the cemeteries
win be.

c. An optative of the auxiliary appears to be once used, in yocUlhfi
syam / would Jight (R. i. 22. 25 Peterson ; but the Bombay edition Te«ds
yoddhuih yfisyftmi).

945. The accent in these combinatioDS, as in all the ordinary
cases of collocation of a verb with a preceding predicate noun or

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337 Periphrastic Future. [—848

adjective (582), is on the noun itself; and, unlike all the true verbal
forms, the combination retains its accent everywhere even in an in-
dependent clause: thus, t&rhi vi atiu&ftro bhavitasmi {QB.) then I
shaU be out of danger (where bbavifyftmi, if used, would be accent-
less). Whether in a dependent clause the auxiliary verb would take
an accent (586), and whether, if so, at the expense of the accent of
the noun (as in the case of a preposition compounded with a verb-
form: 1088 b), we are without the means of determining.

846. In the Yeda, the nomina ageniis in tf or tar, like Tarions other
derivative nonns (871), but with especial freqaency, are used in participial
construction, governing the accasatlve if they come from roots whose verbal
forms do so (1 188). Often, also, they are used predicatively, with or without
accompanying copula ; yet without any implication of time ; they are not the
beginnings, but only the forerunners, of a new tense-formation. Generally,
when they have a participial value, the root-syllable (or a prefix preceding
it) has the accent. The tense-use begins, but rather sparingly, In the
Brahmanas (from which about thirty forms are quotable) ; and it grows more
common later, though the periphrastic future is nowhere nearly so frequent
as the 8-future (it is quotable later firom about thirty additional roots).

847. a« A few Isolated attempts are made In the Brahmanas to form
by analogy middle persons to this future, with endings corresponding after
the usual fashion to those of the active persons. Thus, TS. has once pra-
yoktaae / wiU apply (standing related to prayokt&smi as, for example,
9&8e to ^ismi); QB. has Qayitase thou shalt lie (similarly related to
^ayitisi) ; and TB. has ya^t&mabe toe toiU make offering^ But In TA.
l8 found (1. 11) ya^t&e as 1st sing., showing a phonetic correspondence of
a problematic character, not elsewhere met with in the language.

b. On the basis of such tentative formations as these, the native
grammarians set up a complete middle Inflection for the periphrastic ftiture,
as follows:

s. d. p.

1 dfttihe d&tasvahe d&taamahe

2 dfttase dfttaa&the dfttidhve

3 dftta dftt&fiu dfttlbraa

o. Only a single example of such a middle has been brought to light
in the later language, namely (the causative) darQayitfthe (Naif.).

Uses of the Futures and Conditional.

848. As the s-future is the commoner, so also it is the one
more indefinitely used. It expresses in general what is going to take
place at some time to come — but often, as in other languages, add-
ing on the one hand an implication of will or intention, or on the
other hand that of promise or threatening.

Whitaey, Grammar. 3. ed. 22

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948—] XII. Future-systems. 338

a. A few examples are: varfify&ty fiis&mah paij&nyo vf^tim&n
bhavi^ysti (QB.) it is going to rain : Parjanya is going to be rich in ram
this year; jka t4n n& v6da kim ipot kari^yati (RV.) whoever does not
know that J what will he do with verse t i vil vay&m agnl dhftsy&malie
*tha ytiy&ih kiih kari^yatha (9B.) we are going to build the twojires :
then what will you do f t&m indro 'bhytdudrftva hanify&n (C!B.) him
Indra ran at, intending to slay; 3r&dy eva kari^y^tha sak&ih dev&ir
yajfiiyftso bhavi^yatha (RV.) if ye will do thus, ye shall be worthy of
the sacrifice along with the gods; dintfts te Qatsyanti (AY.) thy teeth will
fall out; n& marifyasi ma bibhe^t (^^-) ^^o^ ^^^ ^^^ <^^> ^^ ^^^
afraid; bruhi kva yftsyasi (MBh.) teU us; where are you going to got
yadi mftih praty&khyftsyaBi vi^am ftsth&sye (MBh.) if you shall refect
me, I will resort to poison. As in other languages, the tense is also some-
times used for the expression of a conjecture or presumption: thus: ko
'yaih devo gandharvo v& bhavi^yati (MBh.) who is this f heis doubtless
a god, or a Oandharva; adya Bvap8yanti(MBb.) they must be sleeping now,

b. The spheres of future and desideratiye border upon one another,
and the one is sometimes met with where tlie other might be expected.
Examples of the future taken in a quasi-desiderative sense are as follows,
y&d da^use bhadr&ih karify&si tkve 't t&t BBtykm (RV.) whta
favor thou wiliest to bestow on thy worshiper, thai of thee becometh actual
{is surely brought about); y4thft 'ny&d vadi^y&nt b6 'njr&d vAdet
((B.) as if intending to say one thing, one were to say another.

949. The periphrastic future is defined by the grammarianB as
expressing something to be done at a definite time to come. And
this, though but faintly traceable in later use, is a distinct character^
istic of the formation in the language where it first makes its ap-
pearance. It is especially often used along with qv&B tomorrow.

a. A few examples are: adyA vai^ifyati ... qv6 vraft^ (MS.) it is
going to rain today: it will rain tomorrow ; yatarftn v& Ime Qva^ kami-
tftraa te jetSras (K.) whichever of two parties these shall choose tomorrow,
they will conquer; prftt&r ya^faamahe (IB.) we shcUl sacrifice tomorrow
morning; ityah6 vah paktasmi ((B.) on such and such a day I wiU
cook for you; t&n ma ^kftih ratrim Ante Qayitase jftt& a te 'y&ih
t&rhi putr6 bhaviti (QB.) then you shall lie with me one night, and at
that time this son of yours will be bom. In other cases, this deflnltenesfl
of time is wanting, but an emphasis, as of special certainty, seems perhaps
to belong to the form: thus, bibhfhi m& p&rayiiffyami tv6 *ti: kAamiin
mft parayifyftBl ty &ughi imah e&rvfi^ praja nirvo^hi, tdtas tvS
pftrayitasmi 'ti (fB.) support me and I will save you, said it. From
what will you save me f said he. A flood is going to carry off aU these
creatures: from that I wHl save you, said it; paridevayfiiii oakrire
mahao ohokabhayaih prftptftsmal^ (GB) they set up a lamentation: ^we
are going to meet with great pain anddrea^', ya^e 'yakfi ya^fihe oa
(TA.) I sacrifice, I have sacrificed, and I shall sacriflce. In yet other cases,

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339 Ubbs op the Futures and Conditional. [—950

in the older langnage even, and yet more in the later, this fatare appears
to he equivalent to the other: thns, praj&yftm enaih vijfiftt&smo yadi
vidvftn ▼& Jnhoty avldvftn v& (AB.) in his children we shall know Aim,
toheiher he is one that sacrifices with knowledge or without knowledge) vak-
t&nno vft idaih devebhya]^ (AB.) we shaU tell this to the gods; yadi
svftrtho mamft *pi bbavltft tata evaih BVfirthaifa karify&mi (MBh.)
if later my own affair shall come up^ then I will attend to my own affair\
kathaih tu bhavit&sy eka iti tv&ih n^pa 90ciini (MBh.) hut how wtU
you get along alone t thatj O king, is the cause of tny grief about you.

950. The conditional would seem to be most originally and
properly nsed to signify that something was going to be done. And
this valae it has in its only Vedio occurrence, and occasionally else-
where. But usually it has the sense ordinarily called ^^conditional";
and in the great majority of its occurrences it is found (like the sub-
junctive and the optative, when used with the same value) in both
clauses of a conditional sentence.

a. Thus, y6 v^^traya sinam ktti 'bbari^yat pr& t4ih j&nitri
vidd^a uv&pa (RV.) him, who was going here to carry off Vritrds wealth;
his mother proclaimed to the knowing one; 9atfiyuih gftni akaxifyam
(AB.) / was going to make (should have made) the cow live a hundred years
(in other versions of the same story is added the other clause, in which the
conditional has a value more removed from its original: thus, in GB., if
you, viUain, had not stopped [prSfiprabi^yalpL] my mouth); t&ta ev& 'sya
bhay^ib "vi Vft7& k&Bmftd dby ibbe^yad dvltly&d vft£ bhay&ih
bhavati (9^0 thereupon his fear departed; for of whom was he to be
afraid f occasion of fear arises from a second person ; utpap&ta oir&di
t4n mane y&d vlUal^ pary4dliaayata (^B.) he leaped up: he thought
it long that he should put on a garment; Bk t&d ev4 ni *vindat
prajapatir y&tra liofyat (MS.) Prqfapati, verily, did not then find
where he was to (should) sacrifice; evaih cen n& Vak^yo m&rdb& te
vyapati^yat (GB.) if you should not speak thus, your head would fiy
ojT; B& y4d dbSi tavad ev^ 'bbavl^yad yavatyo hfti *vt 'gre praja^
ar^fta t^vatyo hfti 'vk 'bhavifyan n& prii 'jani^yanta ((B.) if he
h€ul been only so much, there would have been only so many living creatures
as were created at first; they would have had no progeny; kilii vft
nbhavi^yad arui^aa tamasftih vibhettft taih oet sahasrakirai^o
dliuri nft nEarifyat (50 would the Dawn, forsooth, be the scatterer of
the darkness, if the thousand^rayed one did not set her on the front of
his chariot f


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961—] Xin. Vbrbal Adjeotivbs and Nouns. 340



961. a. Those verbal adjectives, or participles, which are made
from tense-stems, and so constitute a part of the various tense-
systems, have been already treated. It remains to describe certain
others, which, being made directly from the root itself, belong to the
verbal system as a whole, and not to any particular part of it

b. The infinitive (with a few sporadic exceptions in the older
language) also comes in all cases from the root directly, and not from
any of the derived tense-stems.

o. The same is true of the so-called gerunds, or indeclinable

Passive Participle in td or n&.

952. By the accented suffix cT td — or, in a compar-
atively small number of verbs, ^ n& — is formed a verbal
adjective which, when coming from transitive verbs, quali-
fies anything as having endured the action expressed by
the verb: thus, ^ dattd given; 3^ uktd spoken. Hence
it is usually called the passive participle; or, to distinguish
it from the participle belonging to the passive present^
system (771), the past passive participle.

a. When made from an intransitive or neuter verb, the
same participle, as in other languages, has no passive but
only an indefinite past sense: thus, TIrT g&ta ffone) HcT bhtLta
been; tlfrlH veMtA fallen.

963. In general, this participle is made by adding cT

ta to the bare verbal root, with observation of the ordinary

rules of euphonic combination.

a. Some roots, however, require the prefixion of the auxiliary
vowel i to the suffix. For these, and for the verbs that add ni
instead of t&, see below, 966, 967.

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341 Passive Participle in ta or na. [—955

b. As to the accent when the root is preceded by a preposition,
see 1085 a.

954. The root before rT t& has usually its weakest form,
if there is anywhere in the verbal system a distinction of
weak and strong forms. Thus:

a. A penultimate nasal is not seldom dropped: examples are
akt& (>/afiJ), baddh& f>a>andh^» 9rabdha (f^Qrambh), daffi {ydatq),
srasta (^/BraAs), b&fl^a (f^afih).

b. Boots which are abbreviated in the weak forms of the per-
fect (794) suffer the same abbreviation here: examples are ukt&
(f/vac), xi^\k (yvBLB shine) J upt& (y'vap: also vapta), a<}h& ()/vah),
Buptd (v'Bvap), i^fti iVjaSU vlddM (^vyadh) ; — and, by a similar
procedure, >/pracli (or pra^) makes ppi^k, Kbhrafi^ makes bh^^fa
(beside the regular bhraffi), and y<;Tti boil makes <$TptA (beside 9rftt&].

o. Final & is weakened ta i in glt& ( /gft Wn^}, dhltk (ydhtL suck)j
-pltk (Vp& drink) f sphita-, and Jit&, viti, 9lt& are made from the roots
Jyft, vyft, 9yft, (or jl etc.); — and further to i in ohit& (beside chfttd),
dita (|/dft divide and dd bind), drita (P ydr& sleep), hitA (ydhSiput:
with h for dh; but dhita also occurs in V.)) taitk {ym& measure), 9it&
(,also 9ftta), Bit&, Bthitd.

dr A final m is lost after a in gati, natd, yatd, rat& (from }/gam
etc.); and a final n in kfata, tati* mati* hat4. As to the other roots
in am and an taking ta, see 955 a, b.

e. More isolated cases are -tlta (RV. : ]/*▼)> ^*^ o' ^^ (V'v* weave),
91^(4 (also 9S8ta: |^9ft8), mortA (referred to )/murch). As to -gdha
and jagdhA, see 238 f.

f. Oil the other hand, }/Bvad makes BV&ttA.

956. Of more irregular character are the following:

a. A number of roots ending in am retain the nasal, and lengthen
the radical vowel (as also in some others of their verbal forms: thus,
kftihtA, krfiihtA, klftiiit&, k^ftiiita, cfiiiita, tftihtA, dfiiiiti, bhrftihta,
vftihtAt 9fiiiitA (}9am be quiet) , 9rftiiit& (from ykam etc.); and one
in an, dhvan sound, makes dbvftnlA.

b. A few roots in an make their participle from another root-form
in a: thus, khfttA, j&IA, -v&ta, B&tA; dham has both dhamitd and

o. Certain rooto in Iv take their yU-form (765 a) : thus, dyut4 (ydiv
play), ^thjrnta, sy^tA; but ymiv makes -mata.

d. From roots in changeable x (generally taking na: 957 b) are made
also pfirt& ()/pf fiU\ beside pfta), 9irta and 9urtA (yiff crush)) and
9irta \s farther made from yffti mix.

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965—] XIII. Verbal Adjectives and Nouns. 342

e. Double forms are mi]gdli& and mtl^^a, sft^^ ^^^ BOijiha, dli&rta
and dliruta, hv^ta and hrat&.

f. The root d& give makes datt& (from the secondaiy root-form dad;
but d&ta also in Y.). Bat the anomaloasly contracted form -tta (a« if
for d&ta, with the radical vowel lost) is also frequent in composition, es-
pecially with prepositions: thus, itta, &nutta» p&rltta, pr&tta, pr&titta;
rarely with other elements, as dev&tta, punartta, m&rdtta(?). And the
same abbroTlated form comes from )/dft divids in &vatta.

g. The roots making participles in both ta and ita^ or ta and na, or
in. all three, will be noted in the next two paragraphs.

966. The suffix with ^ i, oi in the form ^ ltd, is

used especially with roots having finals that are only with

difficulty, if at all, combinable with fT t according to the

usual analogies of the language, and often with roots of a

secondary, derivative, or late character; but also not seldom

with original roots.

a. Thus, of roots presenting difficulties of combination : — 1. all that
end in two consonants (save those of which one consonant is lost by a weak-
ening process: 954 a»b): e. g. Qalik* valg» vftftch, laif» ubj» oe^f,
ghQn^y katth» nind, Jalp, cumb, umbh, khall, pinv, 9aA8 (also
9a8t&)» rakf, hiAs, garh (in all, oyer fifty); but tak^ makes taft&; —
2. all that end in Unguals (including ^ after a or ft): e. g. a\, trvi\, pafh,
lufh, I(JU vra(JU bhaj^ ka^, bhft9;~3. all that end in surd spirants:
e. g. likh, grathy nftth» kuth, riph» guph; — 4. all that end in 1: e. g.
cal, gil, mH, lul, khel; — 5. all that end in other persistent semivowels :
namely, carv (also can^a), Jiv (for the other roots in iv, see 956 o),
dh&v ruriy sev, day, vyay, ptXy; — 6. ujh. — This class includes more
than half of the whole number that take only ita.

b. Of other roots ending in consonants: — 1. in guttarals, oak, 4^&uk
(9ak has both ta and ita); Qlftgh; — 2. in palaUls, ac (also akn&},
nCy kuc, kliao» yfto» rue; ai?, kQJ» vr^j, also tyai and m^J in late
texts (usually tyakt& and mr^fi) ; — 3. in dentals, at» pat» 9oat» also
yat in epos (elsewhere only yatti) ; krad, khftd, gad, cud, nad, mad,
m^d, rad, rud, vad, vid know^ hr&d; also nud in epos (elsewhere
nutt& and nunna); mad has both matt& and maditd (the majority
of roou in d take na: 967 d)-, edh, k^udh, gadh, dudh, n&dh,
bftdh, spardh; an, in, kvan, dhvan, pan, ran ringy van, stan,
svan, and dhvan (also dhvftnt&); — 4. in labials, cup, yup, rup,
and usually kup (kupta late) and lap (lapta epic), occasionally k^p,
gup, tap, dfp, vap, Qap, while Jap has both ta and ita; grabh
(gfbblt^), 9ubh, skabh, and occasionally lubb, while kfubh and
■tabh hsTo both forms; tim, dham, 9am labors stim, and kfam in
epos (also kffiihta) ; — 5. in spirants, a^ eat^ Iq, kft^, k^Q, vft^, Qa^,

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343 Passive Participle in ta or na. [—967

yrhUe pi9 hu both formi, and 111^9 takes ita only late; I9 send, X9, kof,
t79> tvi^, pruf , mify ra9» he^, hreij^ also muf except late, while dh^,
ruf, and h^ sbow both forms; ft8» bhas, bhfts, ras, las, vas clot?iey
has, also as throw occasionally, while kas, gras, yas, vas shiney vas
dtoellj 9fts (with <ii^\k and 9ftsta), 9vaB, and hras make both forms;
ih, grab (g^bitd), jab (secondary form of bft), mab, rab, and occasionally
ub remove^ while g&h has both forms.

o. Of roots ending in vowels, only 91 /te, which makes 9ayita (with
guna of root, as elsewhere: 629).

d. In general, a root maintains its fall form before Ita; bat there
are a few exceptions: thus, g^bbit^ and g^bitd (the root being reckoned
as grabb and grab: see 729), udit& (also vadita in the later langnage),
ufita ()/vas ahinei beside U9t&), u^ita (f/vas dwell-, also sporadically
vasita and VL^\a,\ ukfit^ (f^vakf increase), qittdtk (>/9ratb). From
ymipi are made both mrjita and mftrjita (with strengthening as in present
and elsewhere: 627), beside nqMjft^.

e. Instead of i, long i is taken In g^bbitd and g^bit^.

957. The suffix T nd (always without auxiliary ^ i) is
taken instead of rT t& by a number of roots (about seventy).

a. Certain roots in ft: thus, k^ft, gift, drft run, drft sleep, (also
dritaP), mlft (also mlftt&), vft blow (also vftta), 9yft (also 9IQ&), styft,

Online LibraryWilliam Dwight WhitneyA Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana → online text (page 35 of 59)