William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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p&rihantum (9B.) therefore one should not be careful to smother the
fire', — and of others.

982. Of the infinitiye datives, the fundamental and usual sense
is that expressed by for, in order to, for the purpose of

Examples are: vii^w&i Jiv&ih oar&se bodh&yantl (RV.) awakening
every living creature to motion', tin ^pa yftta pibadhyfti (RV.) come
to drink them; nfii taiii te deva adadur 4ttave (AY.) the gods did
not give her to thee for eating] prftf "d yudh&ye d&ayuxn indrah
(RY.) Indra went forward to fight the demon; o&kfxir no dhehi vikhsrfti
(RY.) give us sight for looking abroad.

Some peculiar constructions, however, grow out of this use of the in-
finitive dative. Thus:

a. The noun which is logically the subject or the object of the action
expressed by the inilnitive is frequently put beside it in the dative (by a
construction which is in part a perfectly simple one, but which is stretched
beyond its natural boundaries by a kind of attraction): thus, eakfira
Bliryftya p&nthftm dnvetavi u (RY.) he made a track for the sun to
foUow {made for the sun a track for his following); Qi^ite ^ffige
rikfobhyo vinfkfe (RY.) ?ie whets his horns to pierce the demons;
rudraya dh&nnr a tanomi brahmadvi^e Q&rave h&ntavt u (RY.)
/ stretch the bow for Rudra, that with his arrow he may slay the brahma-
hater; asm&bhyaiii d^^&ye stbyftya pi^ar d&t&m &8um (RY.) may
they grant life -again, that we may see the sun.

b. An infinite with ykf make is used nearly in the sense of a
causative verb: thus, pra 'ndh&ih Qroi^&ih c&kfasa 6tave Iq^tha^ (R^O
ye make the blind and lame to see and go; agniih samidhe oakArtha
(RY.) thou hast made the ^re to be kindled. Of similar character is an
occasional construction with another verb: as, y&d un a^m&si Urtave
k&rat tkt (RY.) w?iat we wish to be done, may he do that; kaviftr
icohftmi 8aiiidf9e (RY.) I desire to see the sages.

c* A dative infinitive is not seldom used as a predicate, sometimes



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353 Uses op the iNPiNiTivBa. [—984

with, bat more usually without, a copula expressed: thus, agpiifr iva nk
pratidhf^e bhavati (TS.) like fire^ he is not to be restated; mahimi te
any6na n& Badm&^e (VS.) thy greatness is not to be attained by another;
n&kim indro nikartave n4 9akr&h p&ri9aktave (RV.) Indra is not
to be put doum^ the mighty one is not to be overpowered.

d. Sometimes an infinitive so used without a copula has quite nearly
the Talue of an imperattve: thus, tyi me yaQ&sft . • . ftn^ijo huv&dhyfti
[asti] (RV.) these glorious ones shall the son of Ucij invoke for me;
sQkt^bhir val^ • . . {ndrft nv agnl ivase huvidhyfti [sta^] (RY.)
with your hymn% shall ye call now on Indra and Agnifor aid; Tand&dhyft
agniih n&mobhi^ [asmi] (RV.) let me greet Agni with homage; asm&ft-
8a9 oa sOr&yo vf^vft i^&B tari^&^i (RV.) and let our saerijicers cross
all regions; t&n nft{ *v&ih k&rtavfil (MS.) that must not be done so;
brahmadvl^ah 9&rave hintava u (RV.) let the arrow slay the brahma-
haters. The infinitives in dhy&i and fa^i (which latter is in all its uses
accordant with datives) are those in which the imperative value is most
distinctly to be recognized.

e. In the Brahmanas and Sutras (especially in QB.) the dative in tavfti
is not seldom used with a verb signifying speak (bru, vao, ah), to express
the ordering of anything to be done : thus, t&smftd d^adhinftm ev4 mtll&ny
fioohettavfti brQyftt (^B.) therefore let him direct the roots of the plants
to be cut up {speak in order to their cutting up : cf. y6 va^^yft &dftnftya
▼4danti who dissuade from giving t?ie cow : AV.).

083. The ablatiye infinitive — which, like the accusative, is made
only from the root-noun and that in tu — is found especially with
the prepositions a until and purt before.

a* Thus, i t&inito]|^ (TS. etc.) until exhaustion; purt v&o&^ pr&-
vadito]|^ (TS.) before utterance of the voice. In the Brahmana language,
this is the well-nigh exclusive construction of the ablative (it occurs also
with prfik, airvfiky etc.); in the Veda, the latter is used also after \t^
without^ and after several verbs, as trft and p& protect^ yu separate, bhl, etc.

b. In a few instances, by an attraction similar to that illustrated
above for the dative (982 a), a noun dependent on this infinitive is put in
the ablative beside it: thus, pxir& vftgbhyah sampravadito^ (PB.)
before the utterance together of the voices; tradhvaiii kartad avap&da^
(RV.) save us from falling down into the pit; purft dakfij^ftbhyo netoh
(Apast.) before the gifts are taken away.

884. The genitive infinitive (having the same form as the ab-
latiye) is in common use in the Brahmana language as dependent on
i^vard lord^ master, employed adjectively in the sense of capable or
likely or exposed to.

a. Examples are: ti [dev&tfth] levari enaih prad&hah (TS.)
they are likely to bum him up; itha ha va i9var6 'gniih dtvi kiih-
oid dfiurit&m tpattor vi vft hv&lito]|^ (QB.) so in truth he is liable^
Whitn«j, Qnmmar. 3. ed. 23



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984—] XIII. Vbkbal Adjectives and Nouns. 354

after piling the fire^ to meet with some miehap or other, or to stagger;
i9varadi vfii rathantaram uclg&tU9 oakful^ pramathito^ (PB.) the
rathantara is liable to knock out the eye of the chanter,

b. The dative is used in (}B. inttetd of the genitive in a single
phrase (i9var&ii J&nayitaTftf) ; and, in the later language, sometimeB the
accusative in turn. In a case or two the masc sing. nom. I^varah is
used, without regard to the gender or number of the word which it qualifies:
thus, tisye ''9var&]^ praji papiyam bh&yito]|^ (9B.) his progeny is
liable to deteriorate. And in a very few instances the word i^vara Is
omitted, and the genitive has the same value without It: thus, dve madhy-
a]iidinam**abhi^pratyeto]|^ (AB.) two may be added to the noon libatdon;
t&to dik9it4hKpftman6 bh&yitoh (gB.) then the consecrated is liable
to get the itch,

o. This construction with i^vara, which is the only one for the geni-
tive inflnitlTe in the Brahmana, is unknown in the Veda, where the geni-
tiye is found in a very small number of examples with madhyi, and with
the root 19: thus, madhyt k&rto^ (I^^O *'» ^ midst of action; i^e
rfty6 dato^ (RY.) he is master of the giving oftcealth; 190 y6to^ (RV.)
is able to keep away.

985. Unless the infinitives in fai^ and taxi are locative in form
(their uses are those of datives), the locative infinitive is so rare, aad has
80 little that is peculiar in its use, thai it is hardly worth making any
account of. An example is ui|f&80 budhi (RV.) at the awakening of the
dawn.

986. In the Veda, the datiye infinitive forms are very much
more numerous than the accusative (in BY., their occurrences are
twelve times as many; in AY., more than three times); and the ac-
cusative in turn is rare (only four forms in RY., only eight in AV.).
In the Brahmanas, the accusative has risen to comparatively much
greater frequency (its forms are nearly twice as many as those of the
dative); but the ablative-genitive, which is rare in the Veda, has
also come to full equality with it. The disappearance in the classical
language of all excepting the accusative in tmn (but see 968 h) is a
matter for no small surprise.

987. The later infinitive in turn is oftenest used in constructions
corresponding to those of the earlier accusative: thus, na vS^paxa
a^akat so^bum he could not restrain his tears; taih draftum arhasi
thou oughtest to see him; prftptiun iochanti they desire to obtain; aaih-
kbyfttum firabdham having begun to count. But also, not infrequentiy,
in those of the other cases. So, especially, of the dative: thus,
avasthfttuiii Bthftnftntaraih olntaya devise another place to siay in;
tvftm anvBftum ib& ''gatab he has come hither to seek for thee; —
but likewise of the genitive: thus, samartbo gantum capable of
going; saifadhfttum iQvaral^ able to mend. Even a construction as
nominative is not unknown: thus, yuktaiii tasya may& samft^vftp



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365 Gerunds. [—990

Bayitmh bhftryftm (MBh.) it it proper for mo io comfort hU wife;
na naptSraih svayaih nySyyaiii ^aptum evam (R.) it is not suitable
thus to curse one's oum grandson; tad ▼aktozh na pftryate (Qatr.) it
is not possible to say that.

988. In the later language, as in the earlier, the inflnltlTe In cer-
tain connections has what we look upon as a passive yalue. Thns, kartum
ftrabdhal^ begun to be made; Qrotuih na yujyate it is not fit to be
heard {for hearing). This is especially frequent along with the passlTC
forms of y<^ak: thns, tyaktozh na Qalcyate it cannot be abandoned;
qaky&v iha "netum they two can be brought hither; na oa vibhUtayah
Qakyam avftptum urjitfth nor are mighty successes a thing capable of
being attained.

Gerunds.

989. The so-called gerund is a stereotyped case (doubt-
less instrumental) of a verbal noun, used generally as ad-
junct to the logical subject of a clause, denoting an accom-
panying or (more often) a preceding action to that signified
by the verb of the clause. It has thus the virtual value of
an indeclinable participle, present or past, qualifying the
actor whose action it describes.

a. Thus, for example: 9rutvfti 'va oft 'bruran and hearing (or
having heard) they spoke; tebhyaJ!^ pratijft&yft 'thfti tfta paripa-
praooha having given them his promise, he then questioned them,

990. The gerund is made in the later language by one
of the two suffixes Wl tvS and JX ya, the former being used
with a simple root, the latter with one that is compounded
with a prepositional prefix — or, rarely, with an element
of another kind, as adverb or noun.

a. To this dlstribation of uses between the two suffixes there are
occasional exceptions. Thus, gerunds in ya from simple roots are not
very rare In the epic language (e. g. g^hya, u^ya [>/va8 dwell], aroya,
tk^ya, ointya, tyi^ya, lakfya; also from causatives and denominatiyes,
as vfioya, yojya, plSvya), and are not unknown elsewhere (e. g. arcya
and ik^ya M., prothya AGS., sthftpya ^vU.). And gerunds in tvft
from compoonded roots are met with in considerable numbers from AV.
(only pratyarpayitvflt) down: e. g. samirayitvt MS., virooayitva
TA., utk^ptra U., pratyuktvft S., pratyasitvft S., prahasitvft
MBh., saxhdar^ayitvft MBh., vimuktvft R., nivedayitvft R., proktvft
PaHc, anupitvft VBS.: the great majority of them are made from the
causatlYe stem.

23*



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990—] XIU. Verbal Adjbotiyes and Nouns. 356

b. The preflxion of the negative partide, a or an, does not caose
the genind to take the form in ya: thns, alq^S, anirayitvft (bat R.
has aointya). Of oomponnds with other than verbal prefixes, RY. has
punardaya, kan^afi^hya, pftdagfhya, haBtagfhya, araihkftya,
akkhalikftya, mithasptdliya; AY. has further namaakflya.

991. The suffix ^ tvS has the accent. It is usually
added diiectly to the root, Jbut often also with interposition
of the auxiliary vowel ^ i — with regard to which, as well
as to the form of the root before it, the formation nearly
agrees with that of the participle in cT ta (962 ff.).

a. Examples of the general accordance of passive participle, in-
finitive, and gerund in regard to the use of i were given above,
968a; further specifications are called for, as follows:

b. The quotable roots in yariable |p (242) change it to ir: thus,
tirtv^ Btirtvt (also st^vi); and oar makes also oirtv& (like cSn^^;
— roots in ft show in general the same weakening as in the participle ; but
from dhft put is quotable only dhitvt (hitvft), from mft measure mitvi
and mitvft, firom dft give only dattva, from olift ohSyitvft; — of roots in
am, kram and bhram and yam make forms both with and without i
(as In the luflnitiTe), but ram has ratva and raiiitvft, and dam and vam
make damitvft and vamitvft.

o. The auxiliary vowel is taken by roots gras* mu^, Qap, and ^fta
(9&Bitvft) (whose participles have both forms); also by oiy, lift (nar*
titvft), lag, and avaj (against analogy of pple); and 9ao makes 900ltva.
On the other hand, from mj (rugi^) and vra90 (v^ki^) come roktvt
and v^^v^. And both forms are made (as also in inflnltiYe or participle)
from oar, vas dtoell (u^^vft, ufitvi), ni (nitva, nayitvft), and mfj
(m^t^a, mftrjitvft).

d. While the formation is in general one requiring, like the passiTe
participle (e. g. uptvft, like upt&; uditv^ like udit&), a weak or weakened
root, there are some cases in which it is made from a strong or strength-
ened root-form. Thus (besides the instances already given: ohijitvft,
raiiitvft, 9&Bitvft, oftyitvft, Qooitvft, nayitvft, mftrjitvft), we find
oharditvft (Apast.), daA^fvft, and spharitvft, and, trom a number of
roots, a second strong form beside the more regular weak one: namely,
afiktvft, bha&ktvft, bhuiiktvft, syanttvft (beside aktvt etc); oayitwft,
smayitvft, smaritvft (beside oitva etc.); roditvft (beside mditvft),
and Bi&oitvft (beside siktvft). The last shows the influence of the
present-stem; as do also mftrjitvft (above) and jighritvft (y^fl^lirft). The
form fthutvft (Apast) is doubtless a false reading, for ftliytltvft.

992. The suffix IT ya is added directly to the root,
which is accented, but has its weak form. A root ending



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357 Gerund in ya. [—993

in a short vowel takes rU tya instead of JJ ya: thus, flffir
-jitya, Fgni -stiitya, WU -kftya.

a. Roots in variable |* (242) change that vowel to Ir or tir: thus,
klrya, fitlrya* tlrya (and ttirjra), dirya, pfkrya, Qlrya, stlrya (also
St^^tya); — roots in & have for the most part -ftya; bat dh& suek makes
dhiya, and double forms are found from gS sing (gftya, giya), p& drink
(paya, piya), da give (daya, d&dya), dft divide (dSya, ditya), mft
measure, exchange (m^ya, mitya), aft bind (stya, sya); 11 cling has
laya or liya, as if an a-verb; and khan and dham make khftya and
dhmtya, from their a-forms; — the roots in an and am making their
participle in ata (954 d) make the gerund in atya, but also later in anya,
aniya (e. g. g&tya, gamya; h&tya, hanya; but tan makes as second
form taya, and from ram only ramya is quouble); — the roots in iv
add ya to their iv-form: thus, ff^vya, sivya; — a few roots in i and
n add ya to the lengthened Yowel besides adding tya: thus, i go ^ya,
(tya; also ayya), oi gather (oiya, of tya), and plu, yu unite, sn, stu
(pltiya, plutya, etc.); while k^i destroy has only k^iya.

b. This gerund, though accented on the root-syllable, is generally a
weakening formation: thus are made, without a strengthening nasal found
in aome other forms, &oya, AJya, idhya, ddya, ubhya, grathya, t&cya,
da^ya, b&dhya, bhajya» ifpya* ldP7a» vUgya, grabhya, sajya,
Bk4bhya, stibhya, syadya, svajya; with weakening of other kinds,
gfhya and g^bhya, pipoohya, uoya, udya, upya, u^ya (vas dwell),
i&hya, Tldhsra, viya, v^^oya, spfdhya, htiya; — but from a number
of roots are made both a stronger and a weaker form: thus, manthya and
m4thya, mftrjya and mfjya, rondhya and rudhya, 9a]&8ya and q&s-
ya, 9&8ya and ^i^ya, skindya and sk&dya, eriAaya and erasya; —
and only strong forms are found fjrom roots arc, av, e&y, ql (9ayya), as
well as from certain roots with a constant nasal: e. g. ufich, kamp,
nand, lamb, ^afik; isolated cases are Ofya (yn^ hum), prothya (also
pruthya).

c. Other special cases are uhya and Qhya (y^th remove), gurya and
gdrya, gnhya and gubya, ruhya and ruhya, bhramya and bhramya,
&yya (beside {tya, lya), ghraya and Jigbrya; and fin^utya (beside
v*tya).

998. The older language has the same two gerund formations,
haying the same distinction, and used in the same way.

a. In RY., howeTer, the final of ya is in the great majority of in-
stances (fully two thirds) long (as if the instrumental ending of a deriv-
ative noun in 1 or ti). In AY., long a appears only once in a RV.
passage.

b* Instead of tva alone, the Veda has three forms of the suffix, namely
trt, tv^a, and tvl. Of these three, tvl is decidedly the commonest in
RV. (thirty-five occurrences, against twenty-one of tvft); but it is unknown



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e98— ] XIII. Verbal Adjbctivbs and Nouns. 358

in AY., and yery rare elsewhere In the older language ; tviya la fonnd nine
times In RY. (only once outside the tenth Book), twice In AY., and hut half-a-
dozen times elsewhere (In ^B,, once ftom a causative stem : spft^ayitvisra).
The historical relation of the three forms is ohsoure.

o. Two other gerund suffixes, tvftnam and tvlnam, are mentioned
hy the grammarians as of Yedlc use, hut they haTe nowhere heen found
to occur.

994. The use of this gerund, though not changing in its char-
acter, becomes much more frequent, and even excessive, in the later
language.

a. Thus, in the Nala and BhagaYad-Qita, which haTe only one tenth
as many verb-fonns as BY., there are more than three times as many ex-
amples of the gerund as in the latter.

b. In general, the gerund Is an adjunct to the subject of a sentence,
and expresses an act or condition belonging to the subject: thus, vivJr»i^
hatva nir ap&^ sasarja (BY.) mUting with Ms thunderhoU, he p<ntred
forth the toaters; pitvl Bdmaaya vftvrdhe (BY.) having drunk of the
8omaf he waxed strongs te yajfi&sya r&saih dhitva viduhya yajll&ih
yup6na yopayitva tir6 'bhavan ((iB.) having sucked out the sap of the
offering, having milked the offering dry, having blocked it with the sacrificial
post, iheg disappeared; grutv&i 'va oft 'bruvan (MBh.) and having heard^
they said', tvAi oa dCLre d^fvft gardabhi 'yam iti matv& dhftvita^
(ir.) and having seen him in the distance, thinking ^ii is a she-ass\ he ran.

o. But if the logical subject, the real agent, is put by ihe construction
of the sentence In a dependent case, it is still qualified by the gerund:
thus, strfyaih dpiftvaya kitav&di tatftpa (BY.) it distresses the gambler
(1. e. the gambler is distressed) at seeing his wife; t&iii hfti 'kiaih dpftv*
bhir viveda ((^B.) fear came upon him (i. e. ?ie was afraid) when he
saw him; vidhftya proQite vfttim (M.) when he stays away after provid-
ing for her support; kith nu me eyftd idaih kftvA (MBh.) what, I
wonder, would happen tome if I did this ; — and especially, when a passive
form is given to the sentence, the gerund qualifies the agent in the instrumental
case (282 a): thus, tatal^ Qabdftd abhijftfiya sa vyfighrei^a hata^ (H.)
thereupon he was slain by the tiger, who recognized him by his voice;
tvayft sa rU& Qalrontalfttfa puraalq^a vaktavyah ((.) presenting
^akuntala, thou must say to the king; ha&aftnaiii vaoanaih ^rutvH
yathft me (gen. for instr.) nftifadho v^tah (MBh.) as the Nishadhan
was chosen by me on hearing the words of the swans: this construction
is extremely common in much of the later Sanskrit.

d. Occasionally, the gerund qualifies an agent, especially an indefinite
one, that is unexpressed: thus, tada 'trfti Va paktvft khfiditavya)^
(H.) then he shaU be eaten [by us] cooking him on the spot; yad anyasya
pratijfkftya punar aayaaya dlyate (M.) thai, after being promised (Ut
when one has promised her) to one, she is given again to another; saointya
oo Hctaih auyio&rya yat kftam (H.) whai one says after mature thought,



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359 Uses op the Gerund. [— W6

and does after full deliheraium. Henee, still more elliptlcally, after alam:
thug, alaih vioftrya ((.) enough of hesitation \ tad alaih te vanam
gatvft (R.) so have done with going to the forest

e. Other less regular constrnctlons are met with, especially in the
older language : thus, in the manner of a participle with man and the like
(868 a), as t&ih bii&Bitv^ Va mene (^B.) he thought he had hurt him ;
tft adbhir abhifioya njjftsyfti Vft 'manyata (AB.) having sprinkled
them with water, he believed himself to have exhatuted them; — in the
manner of a participle forming a oontinuous tense ^ith yi (1076 a), as
indram evfti tftir ftrabhya yanti (AB.) by metms of thefn they keep
taking hold of Indra; — as qualifying a subordinate member of the sentence,
as puro^i^am evk kOrm&ih bhUtvt B&rpantam (9B.) to the saeri-
Jicial cake creeping about, having become a tortoise', ayodhyftm . . .
saphenflifa sasvanAifa bhUtva Jalormim iva (R.) into Ayodhya, like a
surge th€U had been foamy and roaring ; — even absolutely, as fttithydna
▼fti devi iftva tlhit Mun&d avindat (^B.) when the gods had sacri-
ficed with the guest-offering, strife befel them.

f • As in the two examples before the last, a predicate word with
bh&tvA is put in the same case with the subject: thus, further, t4d iy&m
evfti *tkd hhfitvi yajati (^B.) so having thus become this earth he
makes offering; yena vfimanenfi 'pi bhfitvft (Vet.) by whom, even when
he had become a dwarf The construction is a rare one.

g. A number of gerunds have their meaning attenuated sometimes to
the semblance of a preposition or adverb : such are adhikftya making a
subfeet of, 1. e. respecting, of; ftdftsra, upftgf*hya taking, i. e. with; ud-
di^ya pointing toward, i. e. at; ftaftdya, arriving tft, i. e. along, by;
ftrabhya beginning, i. e,from; eambhtlya being with, i. e. with; saxSiliatya
striking together, i, e. in unison ; prasahya using force, i. e. violently ;
tyaktvfty parityajya, mnktv-ft, vihftya, uddh^rtya, varjayltvft leaving
out etc., i. e. excepting, without; and others. Examples are: Qakuntalftm
adhilq^tya bravimi ((.) I am speaking of ^akuntalQ; tain uddiQya
kfiptalagu^iah (H.) having thrown the cudgel at him; nimlttaih kiiiioid
ftBftdya (H.) for some reason or other.

h. The gerund is in the later language sometimes found in compo-
sition, as if a noun-stem: e. g. praaahyaharapa taking with violence;
pretyabhftva existence after death; vibhajyap&tha separate enunciation;
sambh^agamana going together. It is al^o often repeated (1860), in a
distributive sense: e. g. 8& Tfii Bamm^Jya-sammfjya prat&pya-pra-
tapya prA yaoohati ((B.) in each case, after wiping and warming them,
he hands them over; g^hitvft-g^hitvft (KQS.) at each taking; unnamyo-
'nnamya (Pafie.) every time that they arise.

Adverbial Gtorond in am.

906. The aocasative of a derivative nomen actionis in a, used
adverbially, assames sometimes a value and construction so accord-



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996—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 360

ant with that of the usual gerund that it cannot well be called by
a different name.

a. No example of a peculiar gemndial conftmction yriih such a form
ocoun either in RV. or AY., although a dozen adverbial acooaatiTes are to
be classed as representing the formation: thus, abbyftkramam, prat4n-
kam, pra]^6dam» nil^am, abbiak&ndam, etc. This gemnd is found
especially in the Brahmanas and Sutras, vhere it is not rare; in the epics
it is extremely infrequent; later, also, it occurs very sparingly.

b. A final vowel has vrddbi-strengthening before the suffix: thus,
nftvam, ^rftvam, kftram; final ft adds y: thus, kbySyam, yfiyam; «
medial vowel has gu^ (if capable of it: 240): thus, k^epam* kroQam,
vartam (but rk^^am, puram); a medial a before a single consonant is
lengthened: thus, krfimam, ofiram, grftbam, avftdam (but grantbam,
lambbam). The accent is on the radical syllable. No uncompounded ex-
amples are found in the older language, and extremely few in the later.

o. Examples are: k^maifa vi imany i&gftni vyatyasaih ^ete
((B.) ?ie lUs changing the position of these limbs at pleasure; uttarSm-
uttarftifa ^ikbftih samSlAmbbaxb r6bet (9B.) be would dimb, taking
hold of a higher and ever a higher limb ; aparl^u mabSnftg&m ivft
'bbisaiba&aih didrk^itara^ (QB.) hereafter, running together as it were
about a great snake, they will wish to see him; nimftny fta&m etini
nftmagribam (9B.) with separate naming of these their names; yo
viparyasam avagtibati (9B.) whoever buries it upside down; bftbQtk^e-
paib krandituib prav^ttft (Q.) she proceeded to erg, throwing up her
arms (with arm-tossing); navaoutapallaTfini dar9a]h-dar9a]h madba-
karft^ftib kva^itfini ^rftvaib-^ravaib paribabbrftma (DKG.) he
wandered about, constantly seeing the young shoots of the mango, and hear-
ing the humming of the bees. Repeated forms, like those in the last ex-
ample, are approved in the later language; they do not occur earlier (but



Online LibraryWilliam Dwight WhitneyA Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana → online text (page 37 of 59)