William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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instead of them the repeated ordinary gerund: 994b).



996. Secondary conjugations are those in which a
whole system of forms, like that already described as made
from the simple root, is made, with greater or less com-
pleteness, from a derivative conjugation-stem; and is also

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361 PAttsivB. [—998

usually oonneoted with a certain definite modification of
the original radical sense.

a. We baye seen, indeed, that the tense-systems are also for the most
part made from derlTatiTe-stems; and even that, in some oases, such stems
assume the appearance and value of roots, and are made the basis of a
complete oonjugational system. Nor is there any distinct division-line to
be drawn between tense-systems and deriyative conjugations; the latter are
present-systems which have been expanded into conjugations by the addition
of other tenses, and of participles, inflnitiTes, and so on. In the earliest
languagO) their forms ontside of the present-system are still quite rare,
hazdly more than sporadic; and even later they are — with the exception
of one or two formations which attain a comparative frequency — much less
common than the corresponding forms of primary conjugation.

997. The secondary conjugations are: I. Passive;
II. Intensive; III. Desiderative; IV. Causative; V. Denom-

a. The passive is classed here as a seoondary conjugation because of
its analogy with the others in respect to specific value, and freedom of
formation, although it does not, like them, make its forms ontside the
present system from its piesent-stem.

I. Passive.

998. The passive conjugation has been already in the
main described. Thus, we have seen that —

a. It has a special present-system, the stem of which
is present only, and not made the basis of any of the re-
maining forms: this stem is formed with the accented class-
aign 77 y&, and it takes (with exceptions: 774] the middle
endings. This present-system is treated with the others,
above, 768 ff.

b. There is a special passive 3d sing, of the aorist,
ending in ^ i: it is treated above, 842 ff.

o. In the remaining tenses, the middle forms are used

also in a passive sense.

d. But the passive use of middle forms is not common; it is oftenest
met with In the perfect The participle to a great extent takes the place
of a past passive tense, and the gerundive that of a future. On the other

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998—] XIV. Sbcondart Conjugation. 362

hand, in the oldest language (BY.)) noddle forms of other present-systems
are in a considerable number of cases employed 'with passire meaning.

e. According to the grammarians, there may be formed from some
verbs, for passive use, a special stem for the aorist and the two fntnre
systems, coinciding in form with the peculiar 3d sing, aorist.

f. Thus, from >^dft (aor. 3d sing, adftyl), beside &dft8i, dfisye*
dfttihe* also idftyl^i, dftyi^yd, dfiyitihe. The permission to make this
double formation extends to all roots ending in vowels, and to fin^ah, d|^,
and han. No such passive forms occur in the older language, and not balf-
a-dozen are quotable from the later (we find adhSyifi and asthftyifi in
DKC, and anftyifata in Euval.).

g. As to the alleged passive inflection of the periphrastic perfect, see
below, 1072.

h. Besides the participle from the present tense-stem

(771. 5), the passive has a past participle in cT ta (952), or

^ na (957), and future participles, or gerundives, of various

formation (961 ff.), made directly from the root.

999. As already pointed out (282 a), the language, especially
later has a decided predilection for the passive form of the sentence.
This is given in part by the use of finite passive forms, but oftener
by that of the passive participle and of the gerundive: the participle
being taken in part in a present sense, but more usually in a past
(whether indefinite or proximate past), and sometimes with a copula
expressed, but much oftener without it; and the gerundive represent-
ing either a pure future or one with the sense of necessity or duty
added. A further example is: tatrfii "ko yuvS brfthmai^o d|^ta^:
taih drftv^ kftmena pl^ita Baiiijata.: sakhyft agre kathitam: sakhi
pum^o 'yaih girl^tvft mama mfttuh samlpam finetavya^ (Vet)
there she saw a young Brahman; at sight of him she feU the pangs of
love; she said to her friend: ^friend, you must take and bring this wntm
to my mother^. In some styles of later Sanskrit, the prevailing ex-
pression of past time is by means of the passive participle (thus, in
Vet, an extreme case, more than nine tenths).

a. As iu other languages, a 3d sing, passive is freely made ftom
intransitive as well as transitive verbs: thus, ihtL^gamytkiAm. come hither;
tvayft tatrfti Va sthlyatfim do you stand fust there; sarvSir jftlam
&d&yo '^<pyat&m (H.) let all fly up with the net.

il. intensive.

1000. The intensive (sometimes also called frequent-
ative) is that one of the secondary conjugations which is
least removed from the analogy of formations already

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363 Intensive. [—1002

described. It is, like the present-system of the second con-
jugation-class (642 ff,)j the inflection of a reduplicated stem,
but of one that is peculiar in having a strengthened redu-
plication. It is decidedly less extended beyond the limits
of a present-system than any other of the derivative con-

a. The intensive conjugation signifies the repetition or
the intensification of the action expressed by the primary
conjugation of a root.

1001. According to the grammarians, the intensive
conjugation may be formed from nearly all the roots in the
language — the exceptions being roots of more than one
syllable, those conjugated only causatively (below, 1056],
and in general those beginning with a vowel.

a. In Ckct, howeyer, InteoslTes in the later language are very rare,
so lare that it is hard to tell precisely what yalue is to be given to the
rales of the native grammar respecting them. Nor are they at all common
earlier, except (comparatively) in the BY., which contains about six sevenths
of the whole number (rather over a hundred) quotable ttom Yeda and Brah-
mana and Sutra-texts; AY. has less than half as many as BY., and many
of them in BY. passages ; from the later language are quotable about twenty
of these, about forty more, but for the most part only in an occurrence
or two.

b. Hence, in the description to be given below, the actual aspect of
the formation, as exhibited in the older language, wiU be had primarily and
especially in view; and the examples wiU be of forms found there in use.

1002. The strong intensive reduplication is made in
three different ways:

I. a. The redaplicatlDg syllable is, as elsewhere, composed of a
single consonant with following vowel, and, so far as the consonant
is concerned, follows the roles for present and perfect reduplication
(600); but the vowel is a heavy one, radical a and ^ (or ar] being
rednplieated with ft, an i-vowel by e, and an u-vowel by o.

Examples are: vftvad» bftbadh, 9ft9va8, rfirandh; dftd^, dftdh^;
oekit, tetij, neni, vevli; ^o^uo, poprath, co^u, John.

II. b. The reduplicating syllable has a final consonant, taken
from the end of the root With an exception or two, this consonant
is either r (or its substitute 1) or a nasal.

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1002—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 364

Examples are: oaroar, oaloal, sarB^, maniifj» jarhf^; oa&kram,
Janghan, tafiBtan, danda9 (v^dafiQ or daQ), Jafyabh (vjambh or Jabh),
tantas (yUdiB or tas), nannam (ynain), yaxhyam ()/yam). The naul
is assimilated to the initial oonsonant.

o. Only roots haying a or |^ as rowel make this form of reduplication,
bat with snch roots it is more common than either of the other forms.

d. Irregular formations of this class are: with a final other than r
or n in the reduplication, badbadh; with a final nasal in the rednpli-
cation which is not found in the root, Jafigali (RV.), jafijap (^B.; and
jangayat PB. is perhaps from V'gu; the later language has fbither
dandah); with an anomalous initial consonant in reduplication, jarbhur
from |/bhar (compare the Yedic perfect jabhira from i/bh^, 780 b),
galgal from |/gal; with various treatment of an ^ or ar-element, dardar
and dardir, oarkar and oarklr, tartar and tartur, oaroar and car-
our, Jargor and Jalgul.

e. The roots 1 and ^ are the only ones with vowel initial forming an
intensive stem: 1 makes iySy (? PU., once); x makes the Irregular alar
or air* As to the stem jy&) see below, 1021 b.

III. f. The reduplication is disByllabic, an i-vowel being added
after a final consonant of the reduplicating syllable. This i-vowel it
in the older language short before a double consonant, and long be-
fore a single.

Examples are: ganigam (but g&nigmatam), rarivrt, ranlvfth,
oani^ad, sanifTan; navinu, davidyut (and the participles d&vidliTat
but t&vituat). A single exception as to the quantity of the 1 is davi-

g. This method of reduplication is followed in the older language
by about thirty roots. Thus, of roots having final or penultimate n (once
m), and n in the reduplicating syllable, pan, phan. Ban, 8van« ban;
gam; krand, ^oand, akand, syand; of roots having final or medial f,
and r in the reduplicating syllable, k^ make, tf, bh^, vx* T^i» i>Mr^>
▼TJf vft, 8|p; also mine (malimlao); — further, of roots assuming in
the reduplioation a n not found in the root, only vah (QB.: the gram-
marians allow also kas, pat, pad; and panlpad is quotable later; and A^B.
has oanXkhudat, for which TB. reads k&nlkhimat); finally, of roots
having u or il as radical vowel, with av before the i-vowel, ta^ dbf^
nu, dyut.

h. In this class, the general rules as to the form of the reduplicating
consonant (690) are violated in the case of ghanighan and bhaaribhr*
and of ganigam, karlk^ (but the regular carQqp also occurs), kani-
krand, and kaniykand (but also oani^and occurs) ; also in kanlkhnn.

i. The reversion to more original guttural form after the reduplication
in oek^t^ gnd Jafighan and ghanighan, is in accordance with what takes
place elsewhere (216, 1).

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365 Intensive. [—1006

1003. The same root is allowed to form its intensive stem in
more than one way.

Thas, in the older language, dfkdjp and dardf ; dftdhf and dardh^;
eftoal and oaroar (and oaronr); tartar (and tartiir) and taritf;
jafigam and ganigam; jaftgTian and ghanTghan; pamphan and
paniphan; marmrJ and marimfj; marmrQ and marimr9; varv^t
and varivft; Jarbh^ and bharibh^; dodhu and davidhii; nonu and
navinu; bftbadh and badbadh.

1004. The model of normal intensive inflection is the
present-system of the reduplicating conjngation-class (642 ff.);
and this is indeed to a considerable extent followed, in
respect to endings, strengthening of stem, and accent. But
deviations from the model are not rare; and the forms are
in general of too infrequent occurrence to allow of satis-
factory classification and explanation.

a. The most marked irregularity is the frequent insertion of an
i between the stem and ending. According to the grammarians, this
is allowed in all the strong forms before an ending beginning with
a consonant; and before the I a final vowel has gona-strengthening,
but a medial one remains unchanged.


1005. We will take up the parts of the present-system in their
order, giving first what is recognized as regular in the later language,
and then showing how the formation appears in the earlier texts. As
most grammarians do not allow a middle inflection, and middle forms
are few even in the Veda, no attempt will be made to set up a par-
adigm for the middle voice.

1006. As example of inflection may be taken the root

fsf^" vid knotOy of which the intensive stem is ^fcj^ vevid,

or, in strong forms, ^i^ vived.

a. Neither from this nor from any other root are more than a few scat-
tering forms actually quotable.

1. Present Indicative.

8. d. p.

v6vedmi, v6vi<Umi vevidv&a vevidniis

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1006—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 366

2 ^^IrW, ^lil^lft' %f%r8ra^ o|f^r«l
v6vet8i, vdvidifi vevitth&B vevitthk

3 ^^, N^liH ^f^ffH^ ^mrt
vdvetti, vdviditi vevitt&8 v^vidati

b. From /§^ htl, the singular forms with auxiliary vowel
would be sfl^JoilfH johavlmi, ^t^^tfcf johavi^i, STT^cjHh

1007. a. The forms found in the older langnage Agree in generml
with the paradigm. Examples are: Ist sing., oarkarmi» veve^mi; 2d
sing., alar^i, d&rdar^i; 3d sing., &lartl, dftdharti, vev6ti» nenekti,
Jafighanti, kimlkrantti, ganigaihtl ; 3d dn., Jarblqrt&s; Ist pL, nonn-
mas; 2d pL, jftgratha; 3d pi., dftdhrati, nfinadatl, bharibhrati,
v&nqptati, d&vidyutati, n^nijatiy and, irregularly, vevi^anti; and, with
the auxiliary Towel, Johavlmi, ofika9imi; otka^tl, nonaviti, darda-
rltiy jarbhuritl. No stem with dissyUabio reduplication takes the auxil-
iary 1 in any of its forms.

b. A single dual form with I and strong stem occnrs: namely, tar-

o. The middle forms found to occur are: 1st sing., J6gnive» neuUe;
3d sing., neniktdy sarsfte; and, with irregular accent, t^tikte, dMiffe;
with irregular loss of final radical nasal, n&miate; with ending e instead
of te, o^kite, j&iLgahe, idguve, yosruve, b&badhe, and (with irregular
accent) badbadhd; 3d du., sarsrftte; 3d pi., d6dl9ate.

2. Present Subjunctive.

1008. a. Subjunctive forms with primary endings are extremely rare:
there hare been noticed only Jafigh&nfini, Jftgarftsi (AY.); and, in the
middle, tantasftlte (3d du.).

b. Forms with secondary endings are more frequent: thus, 2d sing.,
Janghanas, Jalgulas; 3d sing., jftgarat, o6kitat» bobhavat, o4rkf^at»
J&nghanat» b&rbf>hat, m&rmfjat» m&rmr9at, parpharat, dardlrat,
cani^adat, davidyutat, sani^va^at; 1st du., Jafighan&va; 1st pL,
oarkirftma, vevidftma; 3d pi., papatan, 969Uoan, oarkiran; and,
with double mode-sign, oaka^in (AY.). Of the middle are fbund only
3d persons plural: thus, J&iighananta, Jarl^pfanta, marm^Janta, nona-
vanta, ^o^uoanta.

8. Present Optative.

1009. This mode would show the unstrengthened stem,
with the usual endings (666), accented. Thus:

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367 Intensive. [—1012

t. d. p.

1 ^i^^iH^ ^i^^tiN Wpum

vevidyam vevidyava vevidyama
etc. etc. etc.

a. The optative is represented by only an example or two in the older
language : thns, active, vevifyftt (AV.), J&gry&8 (KB.), jftgriyat (AB.),
jSgfyfima (VS. MS. ; bat Jftfipriyftma TS.); RV. has only o&kanyat (pft.?) ;
middle, nenijita (K.).

4. Prpsent Imperative.

1010. The regular forms of the imperative, including
the usual subjunctive first persons, would be as follows:
8. d. p.






rare than optative


vdvettUy v6vi(Utu vevittam
Older imperative forms are less

1011. a. Older imperative forms are less rare than optative. The
first persons have been given above (jafigh&n&ni, the only accented ex-
ample, does not correspond vrith the model, bnt is in conformity with the
sub] a active of the reduplicating present); the proper imperatives are: 2d
sing., dftdfhfy dardrhiy oark^dhi, Jftgrhi, nenigdhi, rfiranddhf; the
ending tfit is found in oarlq^t and Jfig^tftt; and the latter (as was
pointed out above, 571 b) is used In AY. as first person sing.; barbf>hi
shows an elsewhere unparalleled loss of h before the ending hi; 3d sing.,
dftdbartu, veve^fu, dardartu, marmarttu; 2d dn., jfig^ptam; 3d du.,
Jftgnptfim; 2d pi., jfig^; caftkramata (RV., once) has an anomalous
union-vowel. In the middle voice is fonnd only nenikfva ((B.).

b. Of imperative forms with auxiliary I, RY. has none; AY. has
vSvaditu and Johavitu, and such are sometimes found in the Brahmanas ;
AY. has also, against rule, tafiBtamhi and Ja&ghanlhi; YS. has cftka9ihi.

6. Present Fartioiple.

1012. The intensive participles, both active and middle,
are comparatively common in the older language. They are
formed and inflected like those of the reduplicating present,
and have the accent on the reduplicating syllable.

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1012—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 368

Examples are : active, oika^at* nanadat, o6kitat» m6inyat» 96^-
caty rdruvat, dardrat, m&rm|>jat, j&aghanat, n&nnamat, p4nl-
phanat, k&nlkradat, d&vidyutat; — middle, babadhftna, mdmySna,
o6klt&na, ydyjxv&rLAf r6ruofina, j&rbhurfti^ s^rerfti^ Jafijabhftna,
n&niiainina, d&nda^ana. No middle participle shows the dissyllabic

1013. a. On account of their accent, rfirahfti^ rftrakffii^ and
jfthf^S^i (beside J&rlq*9fi]^) are probably to be regarded as perfect parti-
ciples, although no other perfect forms with heavy reduplication from the
same roots occur. The inference is, however, rendered uncertain by the
unmistakably intensive badbadhftni and marmfjftn& (beside mirmfj&na).
As to ^d^uoana etc., see 806 a.

b. The RV. has once J&aghnatas, gen. sing., with root-vowel cast
out; k&nikrat appears to be used once for k&nikradat; if cfik&t is to
be referred to }/k& (Grassmann), it is the only example of an intensive
from a root in ft, and its accent is anomalous. Mamif^antas (AB.) is
perhaps a false reading; but forms with the nasal irregularly retained are
found repeatedly in the epics and later: thus, lellhan, dedipyanfim
(MBh.), jfijvalant (MBh. R), sariBrpantftu (BhP.), rftratanti (R.).

6. Imperfect.

1014. The imperfect is regularly inflected as follows:

s. d. p.

ivevidam &vevidva &vevidma

kvevett dvevicUa &vevittam kvevitta

3 ^q^^ Jb4^i^<0rt ^ JBRf^TTT^ 5i^f^S\
&vevet, &vevidit &vevittAm &vevidu8

1016. The imperfect forms found in the earlier texts are not numer-
ous. They are, including those from which the augment Is omitted, as
follows: in active, Ist sing., acSka^am, dedi^am; 2d sing., ajfigpar,
adardar, d&rdar; 3d sing., adardar, adardhar, avarlvar, dardar,
ktolfkan, d4vldyot, n&vinot; 2d du., adard^tam; 1st pi., marm{jm&;
3d pi., anannamus, adardirus, aoark^fUB, ^iohavus, anonavus;
and, with auxiliary 1, in 3d sing., avftvaolt, ^Tftva^It, &vftTarit»
iyoyavity &roravIt, ^Johavlt; and, irregularly, in 3d du., av&va9itiUiL
The middle forms are extremely few: namely, 3d sing., Medifta, Anan-
nata (with loss of the final radical in a weak form of root); 3d pi.
marmfjata» and avftvaQanta (which, if it belongs here, shows a transfer
to an a-stem).

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369 Intensive. [—1017

1016. Derivative Middle Inflection. From every
intensive stem, as above described, may be formed in the
present-system a further derivative conjugation which is
formally identical with a passive, being made by the accented
sign JJ y&, along with middle endings only. It has not,
however, a passive value, but is in meaning and use in-
distinguishable from the simpler conjugation.

a. A final vowel before this ya is treated as before the paseive-
sign ya (770).

b. The inflection is precisely like that of any other stem ending
in a in the middle voice: thus, from y^m^J) intensive stem marm^,
is made the present indicative marm^Jy^, marmrjy&se, marm^y&te,
etc.; optative marm^ydya, marmrjydthasy marm|jy6ta» etc.; im-
perative marmfjy&Bva, marm^jy&tam, etc.; participle marmrJy&-
m&na; imperfect &marm|>jye» &marmfjyath&8, &marmfjyata, etc.
sabjnnctive forms do not occur.

o. In a very few sporadic cases, these y&-forms are given a passive
value: thus, Jafighanyamana in MdU.; bambhramyate, d&dlun&-
yamana, pepiyamana in the later language. And active participles
(589a) are not unknown: thus, dedipyantim (MBh.), dodh^yant
(MBh. BhP.).

1017. This kind of intensive inflection is more common

than the other in the later language; in the earlier, it is

comparatively rare.

a. In RY., y4-form8 are made from eight roots, live of which have
also forms of the simpler conjugation; the AY. adds one more; the other
earlier texts (so far as ohserved) ahout twenty more, and half of them have
likewise forms of the simpler conjugation. Thus: from >^ni|j, marmfj-
y4te etc., and marijnf>J3reta; from ytip, tarturyante; from year,
oaroury&Tnftpa ; from i^ni, nen|y6ran, etc.; from yvu veviyate; from
yrih* rerihy&te etc.; from v^j, vevijy&te; from yska^ oo^ktiy&ae etc.;
from ydi^f dedi^yate; from ]/kfi9, oaka^y&te etc.; from yvad»
v&vady&mftna; from >^nam, nannamyadhvam; from ^vaJi, vanivSh-
yStaetc. (with lengthened root-vowel, elsewhere unknown); from f/krandy
kanikrady&mana; from yvjtf vanvarty&m&na (QB.: should be
variv^y-); from Vmy9, amarlm|^9^anta (9B. ? the text reads amarlm^
syanta); from yynp, ypyupyinte etc.; from v'nud, anonudyanta;
from yvll, avevllyanta; from y^&hht JafUabhy&te etc.; from Vjap»
ja2Japy&mana; and so on.

Whitney, Onmmar. 3. ed. 24

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1018—] XIV. Sbcondaky Conjugation. 370

1018. The grammarians are at variance as to whether
a perfect may be formed directly from the intensive stem,
or whether only a periphrastic perfect (below, 1070ff.) is
to be admitted.

a. No example of an intensive periphrastic perfect has anywhere come
to light (except from Jftg^p: 1080 a). A few unmistakable perfect forms are
made from the intensively reduplicated root in RY. : namely, dawidhftvm
and ndnftva, 3d sing., and nonuvuB, 3d pi.; and there occur farther
dodrftva (TS.), yoy&va and lelliya (M8.), and lel&ya (? (B.), aU used
in the sense of presents. To them may be added jigara 1st sing, and
Jftg&a 3d sing.: bat as to these, see below, 1020a.

Aorist, Future, etc.
1010. As to the remaining parts of a full verbal con-
jugation, also, the grammarians are not agreed (occurrences
of such forms, apparently, being too rare to afford even
them any basis for rules); in general, it is allowed to treat
the intensive stem further as a root in filling up the scheme
of forms, using always the auxiliary vowel ^ i where it is
ever used in the simple conjugation.

a. Thus, from /vid, intensive stem vevid, would be made the
aorist avevidi^am with precative vevidyftsam, the futures vevid-
i^yftmi and vevidit&smi, the participles vevidita» veviditavya, etc.,
the infinitive veviditiun, and the gerunds veviditvft and -vevidya.
And, where the intensive conjugation is the derivative middle one,
the^aorist and futures would take the corresponding middle form.

b« Of all this, in the ancient langaage, there is hardly a trace. The
RV. has o&rlqpfe, 3d sing, mid., of a formation like hife and stof^
(884 d), and the gerundiyes vitantasayya, and marmfjdnya and vftv^
dh6nya; and (B. has the participle vanivfihit&, and the inflnitiTe dddlyi-
tavfti. As to jfigarify&nt and Jftgarit&, see the next paragraph.

1020. There are systems of inflection of certain roots, the in-
tensive character of which is questioned or questionable. Thus:

a. The root g^ (or gar) wake has from the first no present-system
saYe one with intensive rednplication ; and its intensiye stem, jfig7> begins
early to assume the value of a root, and form a completer conjugation;
while by the grammarians this stem is reckoned as if simple and belong-
ing to the root-class, and is inflected thronghont accordingly. Those of
its forms which occur in the older language have been given along with

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

371 Intbnsivb. [—1024

the other intensives abore. They are, for the present-system, the same
with those acknowledged as regular later. The older perfect is like the
other intensive perfects found in RY.: namely, JSgara etc., with the
participle jSgpra&s ; and a future jSgarify^-, a passire participle Jfigarit&,
and a gerundiye Jfigaritavyh, are met with in the Brahmanas. The old aorist
(RY.) is the usual reduplicated or so-called causative aorist: thufi, AJigar. The
grammarians give it in the later language a perfect with additional redupli-
cation, Ji^ftgSra etc., an l^-aorLst, i^agarifain, with precative jftgaryftsam,
and everything else that is needed to make up a complete conjugation.
The perf. jajSgftra is quotable from the epics and later, as also the peri-
phrastic Jfigarftm ftsa. And MBh. has the mutilated Jftgpni, and also
a-forms, as Jftgarati and J&gramfti^.

Online LibraryWilliam Dwight WhitneyA Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana → online text (page 38 of 59)