William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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1021. a. The stem ir<^ya (active only) regtUate, from which a
number of forms are made in RY., has been Tiewed as an intensive from
yraj or fj. It lacks, however, any analogy with the intensive formation.
The same is true of iradh propitiate (only iradhanta and ir&dhyai,
apparently for iradhadhyfti).

b. The middle stem lya, not infrequent in the oldest language, is
often called an intensive of yi gOy but without any propriety, as it has no
analogy of form whatever with an intensive. The isolated 1st pi. imahe,
common in RY., is of questionable character.

1022. The root li totter ^ with constant intensive reduplication, lell,
is quite irregular in inflection and accent: thus, pres., leliyati and lelft-
yate, pples lelfty&ntl and lel&yatas (gen. sing.) and lelftyamftna, impf.
alelftyat and alelet and aleliyata, perf. lel&ya and lel&ya (?).

1023. The RY. anomalous form dart (or dard), 2d and 3d sing,
from ydjf or dar, is doubtfully referred to the intensive, as if abbreviated
ftrom dardar. RY. has once avarivus (or -vur) where the sense requires
a form from Vv^T^, as avanv^tus. The form rarftn&tft (RY., once) seems

1024. A marked intensive or freqaentative meaning is not always
easily to be traced in the forms classed as intensiye; and in some
of them it is quite effaced. Thus, the roots oit» nij, vif use their
intensive present-system as if it were an ordinary conjugation-class;
nor is it otherwise with gf (j^lgr)- The grammarians reckon the
inflection of nij and vi? as belonging to the reduplicating present-
system, with irregularly strengthened reduplication; and they treat in
the same way vio and vij; jSg^) as we have seen, they account a
simple root.

a. Also daridrfi, intensive of >^dr& run, is made by the grammarians
a simple root, and furnished with a complete set of conjugational forms:
as dadaridrS.u; adaridrftsit, etc. etc. It does not occur in the older
language (unless d&ridrat TS., for which YS. MS. read d&ridra). The
so-called root wvi flutter is a pure intensive.


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1026 - ] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 372

1025. It is allowed by the grammarians to make from the iotensire
stem also a passlTe, desiderative, causative, and so on: thus, txom vevid,
pass. vevldy6; desid. v^vidif&mi; cans, vevid&y&mi; desid. of caiua-
tlve, v6vidayif&ini. But such formations are excessively rare; qnotaUe
are varivarj&yantl AY., Jfigar&yant TB. etc.; dfidh&rayati JB.,
danda^ayitvft DKC.

ill. Desiderative.

1026. By the desiderative conjugation ifl signified a de-
sire for the action or condition denoted by the simple root:
thus, fqsnf^r pibSmi / drinky desid. (MmmJH pipSsami I wish
to drink; sfk?^ jivami / live, desid. Kisflf^Nift jijivi^ami
I desire to live. Such a conjugation is allowed to be formed
from any simple root in the language, and also from any
causative stem.

a. The desiderative coDJugation, although its forms outside the
presefit-system are extremely rare in the oldest language, is earber
and more fully expanded into a whole verbal system than the inten-
sive. Its forms are also of increasing frequency: much fever than
the intensives in RV., more numerous in the firahmanas and later;
not one third of the whole number of roots (about a hundred) noted
as having a desiderative conjugation in Veda and Brahma^ have
such in RV.

1027. The desiderative stem is formed from the simple
root by the addition of two characteristics: 1. a reduplication,
which always has the accent; 2. an appended H sa — which,
however (like the tense-signs of aorist and future), sometimes
takes before it the auxiliary vowel ^ i, becoming ^ i^.

a. A few instances in the concluding part of QB. in which the accent
is otherwise laid — thus, tifthaset, yiyfts&ntam, vividifinti* ips&ntaft
— must probably be regarded as errors.

1028. The root in general remains unchanged; but with
the following exceptions:

a. A final i or u is lengthened before sa: thus, cik^i^a, ciki^a,
jigi^a; QUQrufa, juha^a, oukfufa.

b. A final x becomes ir or Or before sa: thus, oikir^ tlilr^a
(also irregularly tiitar^a RV.), didhir^a, siur^a, tistir^a (also tn-
atur^a), jihirfa; bubhur^a, mumurfa (the only examples quotable).

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373 Dbsiderativb. [—-1029

o. Before i^a, a final i- or u- or ^-vowel necessarily, and a
penultimate i or u or ^ optionally, have the gnu^-strengthenlng; no
examples are quotable from the older texts; later occur ^iQayi^a,
^i^arifa; oikarti^a, ninarti^ay mimardi^a, vivar^i^a, QUQcbhi^a;
but mrudifa.

More special exceptions are:

d. A few roots in S. weaken this vowel to I or even i: thus, jigi^a
from }/ga go; pipi^a (beside pip&sa) from ypSL drink^ jihi^ (-^^0
from yh& remove (jihite: 664)*, didhi^a (heside dhitsa) from >^dh£.

e. A fiew roots in an or am lengthen the vowel : thns, jiggfisa (beside
jigamifa) from i/gam; jighftfiBa from ylian; mim&JiBa from )/man;
and titftflsa from ytan.

f. Reversion to guttural form of an initial after the reduplication is
seen in oiki^a from yoi, oikitsa from }/oit, jigi^a from /Ji, Jigha&sa
from }/han; and yhi is said to make jighi^a (no occurrence).

g. The roots van and san make vivasa and si^ftaa, from the root-
forms vS. and sa.

h. The root jiv forms Jujyufa (fB.: Jijivisa, VS.); and the other
roots in iv (765) are required to make the same change before aa, and to
have gui^a before i^a: thus, ausyufa or sisevifa from }/8iv. Svap
forms BUfupsa. Dhtlrv forms dudhurfa.

i. Initial s is usually left unchanged to ^ after the reduplication
when the desiderative sign has f (184 e): thus, Bisafik^a ((B.: i/saflj),
and BTisyu^a and siBanifa, according to the grammarians; but tu^f^fa
is met with.

j. Farther may be mentioned as prescribed by the grammarians:
ninafiksa (or nina^ii^) from yna^ be lost; mimafikfa from ymajj
(occurs in mimafikfu) ; mimftrjifa (or mixQ^k^a) from /mfj.

1029. The consonant of the reduplication follows the

general rules (590); the vowel is ^ i if the root has an a-

vowel, or lH y, or an i- vowel; it is 3 u if the root has an

u- vowel. But:

a. A few roots have a long vowel in the reduplicating syllable: thus,
'bibhatsa from ]/badh or badh; inim&&Ba from yman ; and tutiir^a (RV.)
from i^tnr ; dadhisu (AV.) and dada&k^u (0.) are probably false forms.

b. From ^aij is made (^B.) aQl^ifa, and from yedh (VS.)
edidhi^a (with a mode of reduplication like that followed sometimes in
the reduplicating aorist: 862). In the older language, these are the only
roots with Initial vowel which form a desiderative stem, except ftp and
ydh, which have abbreviated stems: see the next paragraph. In the later
language occur further e^ififa (yi^ eeek) and loikfifa (]/ik9); and the
grammarians add others, as arjihi^a (v'arh), undidi^a (^und), ardi-
dhlija (/ydh).

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1029—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 374

o. RV. haa the stems fnak^a and fyakffa, regarded as desideratiTetf
from yynw^ attain and yi^, with mutilated reduplication.

1030. A number of roots, including some of very com-
mon use, form an abbreviated stem apparently by a con-
traction of reduplication and root together into one syllable:
thus, ^ ipsa from v^TR 5p; f^rH ditsa from >^ dS.

a. Such abbreviated stems are found in the older language as follows:
dhitsa (beside didhi^a) from v^dha; ditsa (beside did&sa) fi'om yda;
dipsa (dhipsa JB.) from /dabh ; 9ikf a from y'9ak ; sikfa from |/Bah :
these are found in RV.; in AV. are added ipsa from y&p (RV. has apsa
once), and irtsa from V^dh; the other texts furnish lipsa (9^0 or
llpsa (TB.) from |/labh, ripsa (GB.) from )/rabh, pitsa (^B.) from
]/pad, and dhik^a (^B.) from ]/dah (not y^dih, since no roots with i as
medial vowel show the contracted form). In the later language axe farther
found pitsa from ]/pat also, j&ipsa from the causative quasi -root jfiap
(below, 1042 j), and the anomalous mitsa from )/mft measttre (allowed
also from roots mi and mi); and the grammarians give ritsa f rom yrftdh.
Also mok^a is (very questionably) viewed as a desidejative stem ft-om

1081. The use of the auxiliary vowel ^ i is quite rare
in the early language, but more common later; and it is
allowed or prescribed by the grammarians in many stems
which have not been found in actual use.

a. It is declared to follow in general, though not without ex-
ceptions, necessary or optional, the analogy of the futures (984,
948 a).

b. No example of the use of i is found in RV., and only one each in
AV. (pipati^a), VS. (jijivisa), and TS. (jigami^a). The other examples
noted in the early texts are a9i9if a, cikrami^a, jigrahi^a (with i for i,
as elsewhere in this root), cioarifa, edidhisa, jijanifa, didlkfisa,
bibftdhif a, rumcifa, vivadi^a, vividi^a, 9i9&8i9a, ti^fighifa, jihiA-
8i§a: most of them are found only in (B. Stems also without the auxil-
iary vowel are made from roots gam» grab, car, jiv, pat, badh, vid.

1082. Inflection: Present-System. The desider-
ative stem is conjugated in the present-system with per-
fect regularity, like other a-stems (788 a), in both voices, in
all the modes (including, in the older language, the sub-
junctive), and with participles and imperfect. It will be
sufficient to give here the first persons only. We may take

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375 Desidbrative. [—1082

as active model ^^ Ipsa seek to obtain^ from y^P\ ftp obtain]
as middle, frriTRT titikfa endure^ from yfHsT tij be sharp (see
below, 1040).

1. Present Indioatiye.

active. middle.

8. d. p. 8. d. d.

1 ^c^ (t^MH ^ pn^ ifri?J^ irlfrlTdW^ fHlH5n%
ipsftmi ips&vas Ipsftmas titikfe titikfftvahe tftik^ftmahe

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

2. Present Subjanctive.

1 ^^iIh ^cqicf ^cOT^r IhIh^ IhIh'HH*^ %f?RTF%

ipsftni ipsftva ipsfima titikf &i tftik^ftvahfti tftik^ftmahfii

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

3. Present Optative.

ipseyam ipseva ipsema tftikfeya tftik^evahi tftik^emahi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

4. Present Imperative.

2 ^ ^cqrT\ piH Idfrl^W iHfH^IH^ Irlfrl^yH^
ipsa ipsatam ipsata tftikfasva tftlk^ethfim tltikfadhvam

etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

6. Present Participle.
^C^IH ipsant (f. ^mtfl ipsanti) frlfrl^HIUI tftikfamfti^a

6. Imperfect.

1 "^c^^ "^1:^1^ "^FT 35rf?lf?l% JblidfH^Nt^ MidrHTHlHi^ -
aipsam ftfpsftva ftfpsfima dtitiki^ dtitik^ftvahi dtitik^fimahi
etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.

a. There are almost no irregularities of inflection to be reported from
the older langnage. No Ist pi. in maai, or 2d pi. in thana or tana, is
met with; of the impv. in tftt, only ipsatSt. The quotable sabjnnctiye
forms are those in sftni, sSt and Bat» sftn, and santa. KBU. has jijiifisita
(cf. 788 b). But the fern, pple Bifdsati (instead of siij^asanti) occurs
once or twice in the older texts; and RV. has d£dhi|&]gLa.

b. In the epics and later are fonnd sporadic forms of the non-a-

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1082—] xrv. Secondaby Conjugation. 376

conjugation: thus, sisrkfmas (BhP.), titikyniihe and bubhu^ate 3d
pi. (BfBh.); and the fern, participles lipsati'and oikir^ati (MBh. : against
449 b). The anomalons jigh&ABiyat occurs also in MBh. and Yas.

1038. a. Desiderative forms outside the present-system are
extremely rare in the oldest language. The BY. has only perfect
forms from a stem mimik^ — thus, mimikfithus, mimikf&toa,
mimik^us; mimikfe, mimikfire — along with the present forms
mimik^ati, mimikf a etc., mimikfant (pple) : they show that wiiTrt^Va
or mik^ has taken on the character of an independent root In AY.
are found two aorist forms, irtsia and aoikitsls, and a participle or two
from mima^a (see below, 1037 a, 1089 a) — all of them from stems
which have lost their distinct desiderative meaning, and come to bear
an independent value. The forms noted from the other earlier texts
will be given in full below.

b. In the later language, a complete system of verbal

forms is allowed to be made in the desiderative conjugation,

the desiderative stem, less its final vowel^ being treated as

a root. Thus:

1034. Perfect. The desiderative perfect is the peri-
phrastic (1070 ff.).

a. Thus, ipa&di oak&ra etc.; titikf&m cakre etc. Such forms
are made in QB. from yv^kram, dhtirvy b&dh, ruh; and in ChU.
from man.

b. Apparent perfect fonns of the ordinary kind made from twltnilra
in RY. haye been noticed in the preceding paragraph. And AB. (viii. 21. 10)
has once didSsitha thou hast desired to give,

1035. Aorist. The aorist is of the if-form: thus

a. The AV. has aoikitsis, and irtsis (augmentlesB, with ma pro-
hibitive: 679). TB. has ftipslt; QB. ftirtsit, adlorfis and ajIghftAfnfl,
and amim&ABiftb&s; KB. jijiiasifi; JUB. aipsifma; and AA. adhit-

• sifam. No examples have been found in the later language.

b. A precative is also allowed — thus, ipsyftsam, titik^iisiya; bat it
never occurs.

1086. Futures. The futures are made with the auxil-
iary vowel ^ i: thus, ^R^^lfH Ipsi^ySmi and ^fM4Hlfu^
ipBit&flmi; (dfrli^^i titikffijyi and rdfclf^HI^ titik9itSho.

a. The 9B. has titikfifyate and did^k^itaraa. Such forms as
jij&ftsy&maa (MBh.), didhakfy&mi (R.), and mimiAsyant (GQS.) tre
doubtless presents, with -sya- blunderingly for -sa-.

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377 Dbsidbbativb. [—1089

1087. Verbal Nouns and Adjectives. These too
are made with the auxiliary vowel ^ i, in all cases where
that vowel is ever taken.

a. In the older language haTe been noted: participle in ta, mimfiii-
Bit& (AV., GB.), jijyti|ita (AB.), QU^ru^ltA and dhik^itd (gB.); —
gemndiYo in tavya, Upsitavya (AB.), didhyftsitavyk ((^B.); in ya,
jljiifiayk ((;B.)i — gerund in tva, mimftftBitvft (K.).

1088. Of other declinable stems derived from the desiderative stem,
by far the most common are the adjective in u — e. g. tdtikf u» dipsu,
bibhatsUy siffiau (RV. once didfkfu) — and the abstract noun in a —
e. g. ipsft, bibhatsa, mim&fLsa, 9U9ra9& — both of which are made
with increasing freedom from an early epoch of the language : especially the
former, which has the value and construction (271 a) of a present parti-
ciple. A few adjectives in enya (having a gerundive character: 966 b)
occni in the earlier language: thus, did^kf^^ya (RV.), QUQr&fd^ya (TS.),
ninlfei^a (PB.), jij&ftsenya (AB.), and, with irregular reduplication
(apparently) pap^kf^i^ya (RV.), dadhifenya (JB.) ; and didf kf^ya (RV.)
is a similar formation. RV. has also sif &8&ni and ruruk^&i^, and sifft-
84tu(P). In the later language, besides some of the formations already
instanced (those in u and ft, and in sya and sitavya), are found a few
derivatives in aka, as cikitsaka, bubhasaka; in ana, as JiJ&fisanat
didhyftsana; and, very rarely, in aniya (cikitsaniya) and tf (9U9ru9itr) ;
further, secondary derivatives (doubtless) in in from the noun in ft, as
Ipsin, jigl^in (one or two of these occur in the older language). And of
an adjective in a we have an example in bibhatsA (B.S., and later), and
perhaps in avalipsa (AVP.); such words as ajugupsa, da^oikitsa, are
rather to be understood as possessive compounds with the noun in ft. As
to noun-stems in is, see 892 d.

1089. Derivative or Tertiary Conjugations. A
passive is allowed to be made^ by adding the passive-sign
IT y^ to the desiderative root (or stem without final a) : thus,
^cnirT Ipsy^te it is desired to be obtained; — and a causautive,
by adding in like manner the causative-sign ^^ dya (1041):
thus, ^mUlfn TpsdySmi / cause to desire obtainment

a. Of these formations in the older language are found niimft&8y&-
mftna (doubtless to be read for -s^mftna, AV.), lipsy&m&na (9^.), and
rurutsyamSna (K.). Half-a-dozen such passives are quotable later, and
one or two causatives: e. g. dkitsyate, vivak^ate, jijiiftsyate; cikir-
fayanty cikitsayifyati.

b. For the desiderative conjugation formed on causative stems,
which is found as early as the Brahmanas, see below, 1062 b.

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1040—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 37S

1040. Some Btems which are desideratiye in form have lost tk
peooliarity of desideratiye meaning^ and assumed the value of inde-
pendent roots: examples are cikits cure, jugupB despise, titilc^ mmittre,
bibhats abhor, mimftViB ponder, i^uqru^ obey. Doubtless some of the
apparent roots in the language with sibilant final are akin with ibs
desideratives in origin: e. g. ^ik^, desideratiye of ^ak.

a. On account of the near relation of deeiderative and fa tore (d.
948 b), the former is occasionally found where the latter was ratfaex to be
expected: thus, rSJftnaiii prayiyfisantam ((B.) a king about to d^ari
prfi]^ uooikramifan (ChU.) the breath on the point of expiring; mil-
murf ur ivft 'bhavat (H.) he teas fain to die,

IV. Causative.

1041. a. In the later language is allowed to be made
from most roots a complete causative conjugation. The
basis of this is a causative stem, formed by appending^ the
causative-sign ^bht dya to the, usually strengthened, root.

b. But hy no means all conjugation-stems formed by
the sign ^BHT &ya are of causative value; and the grammarians
regard a part of them as constituting a conjugation-class,
the tenth or cur-class, according to which roots may be
inflected as according to the other classes, and either alone
or along with others (775).

c. In RY., the proportion without causative value is fully one third.
The formation is a more ohTionsly denominative one than any of the other
conjugation-classes, an intermediate hetween them and the proper denom-
inatives. A causative meaning has established itself in connection with
the formation, and become predominant, thongh not exclusive. A number
of roots of late appearance and probably derivative character are included
in the class, and some palpable denominatives, which lack only the usual
denominative accent (below, 1056).

d. The causative formation is of much more frequent use, and more
decidedly expanded into a full conjugation, than either the intensive or the
deaiderative. It is made from more than three hundred roots in the early lan-
guage (in RY., from about one hundred and fifty); but in the oldest, its
forms outside the present-system are (apart from the attached rednpUeated
aorist: 1046) exceedingly few.

1042. The treatment of the root before the causative-
sign ^nr aya is as follows:

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379 Causative. [—1042

a. Medial or initial i, u, x* I ^<^ve the gui^a-strengthening (if
capable of it: 240); thus, vedaya from /vid, oodaya from |/oud,
tarpaya from ytfp; and kalpaya from yOslp (only example): but
ointaya, salpl^ayA» d^pAhaya.

b. Bat a few roots lack the strengthening: these are, in the older
language, cit (oitaya and oetaya), if, 11, ri^ (ri^aya and re^aya),
vip (vipaya and vepaya), tuj, tur, ttuj (tufaya and to^aya), dyut
(dyntaya and dyotaya), ruo (ruoaya and rooaya), 9U0 (^uoaya and
90oaya)9 9abh (^ubhaya and 9obhaya), Iqpp, mr<}, sp^h ; and grabh
makes in RV. g^bhaya. Duf and guh lengthen the vowel instead. Mfj
sometimes has v^ddhi, as in other forms: thns, m&rjaya (beside mar-
jay a). On the other hand, giuoa appears irregularly (240 b) in Brevaya
(beside Qrivaya), he<}aya» mekfaya. Similar irregularities in the later
language are giraya, tulaya (also tolaya), ohuraya (also ohoraya),
xnufaya, sphuraya. No forms made without strengthening have a causative
value in the older language.

o. A final vowel has the v^ddhi-strengthening: thus, ofiyaya,
9ftyaya, oyfivaya, bhftvaya, dhftraya, sftraya.

d. But no root in i or 1 has v^dhi in the Veda (unless piyaya
[k, below] comes from pi rather than p&) — as, indeed, regular causa-
tives from such roots are hardly quotable: only RV. has k^ayaya (beside
k^epaya) from ykf i possess ; for a few alternatively permitted forms, see
below, 1. In B. and S., however, occur ^ftyaya and sSyaya (/si or eft);
and later -ftyaya, cay ay a, smftyaya, 4&yaya, nftyaya.

e. A few roots have a form also with g^u^a-strengthening: thus, cyu,
dm, plu, yu separate, Qru, pa, stu, sru; jf waste away, da^ pierce, s^,
8II17, h^; vf choose makes varaya later (it is not found in V.; epic also

f. A medial or initial a in a light syllable is sometimes length-
ened, and sometimes remains unchanged: thus, bhSjaya, svSpaya,
adaya; janaya, ^ratbaya, anaya (but mandaya, valgaya, bbakfaya).

g. The roots in the older language which keep their short a are jan,
pan, Bvan, dban, ran, stan, gam (gfimaya once in RV.), tarn, dam,
raj (usually rafijaya), prath, 9rath, 9nath, vyath, svad, chad please
(also ebandaya), nad, dbvas (also dhvaiisaya), rab, mab (also
maAbaya), nabb (also nambbaya), tvar, svar, bvaL In the later
language, further, kvai^, jvar, trap, day, pa^, rac, ran ring, vadb,
val, va9, 9latb, skbal, stbag. Both forms are made (either in the
earlier or in the later language, or in both taken together) by ad, kal,
kram, k^am, kban, gbat, cam, oal, jval, tvar, dal, dbvan, nad,
nam, pat, bbram, matb, mad, yam, ram, lag, lal, vam, vyadb,
9am he quiet, 9ram, 9va8, svap. The roots which lengthen the vowel
are decidedly the more numerous.

b. If a nasal is taken in any of the strong forms of a root, it usually
appears in the causative stem: e. g. dambbaya, da&9aya, indbaya.

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1042—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 380

limpaya, mndhaya, 9undhaya, k^taya, d^p&haya. From & number
of roots, stems both with and ^thont the nasal are made: thus (besides
those mentioned above, g), kufilcaya and kocaya, granthaya and smth-
aya, bf&haya and barhaya, bliraii9aya and bhrft^aya, ^undhaja
and ^odhaya, safiijaya and BiOJ&7ft> aiftcaya and seoaya. In a fev of
these is seen the influence of present-stems.

i. Most roots in final &, and the root Xy acid P before the oon-
jugation-sign : thus, dfipaya, dhfipaya, sthfipaya; arpaya.

j. Such stems are made in the older language from the roots kfft.
khyft, gft sing (also gfiyaya), gift, ghrft, Jfift, dft give^ d& divide^ drfi
rufij dhfi put and dhft auckj mft measure^ mlft, yfi, vfi blow, Btha« mi,
b& remove; the later language adds kfmft, dhmft, and hfi leave, Fron
Jfift and snft are found in AY. and later the shortened forms jfiapaya
and snapaya, and from Qrft only Qrapaya (not in BY.). Also, in the
later language, gift forms glapaya, and mlft forms mlapaya.

k« Stems from fi-roots showing no p are, earlier, g&yaya (also g&pa-
ya) from |/g& sinffj ebftyaya, pftyaya from ]/pft drink (or pi), pyi^-
aya from )/pyft or py&y; aftyaya from ]/8ft (or si); also, later, livflj-
aya from yhvE (or hu) ; — and ftirther, from roots vft weave, vy*, and
9ft (or Qi), according to the grammarians.

1. The same p is taken also by a few i- and i-roots, with other
accompanying irregularities: thus, in the older language, kfepaya (BY.,
beside kfayaya) from yk^i possess; jftpaya (VS. and later) ftt)m yji;
Iftpaya (TB. and later; later also l&yaya) from yu cling; 9rftpaya (YS.,
once) from Yqri; adhyftpaya (S. and later) from adlii-|->/i; — In the
later, kfapaya (beside kfayaya) from |/kfi destroy; mftpaya from
ymi; smftpaya (beside smayaya) from yemi] hrepaya from >'liri;
— and the grammarians make further krftpaya from )/krI ; eftpaya (beside
cSyaya) from yd gather; bhftpaya (beside bbfiyaya and bbi^aya)
from yhhl ; repaya from >/r5, and vlepaya from yvll. Moreover, yiuh
makes ropaya (B. and later) beside rohaya (V. and later), and yknu
makes knopaya (late).

m. More anomalous cases in which the so-called causative is palpably
the denominative of a derived noun, are: p&laya from yptL protect; prx^iaya
from yprl; Imaya (according to grammarians) from yU; dhfbiaya (not
causative in sense) from |/dhu; bhifaya from yhhl; ghfttaya from ylian;
Bphftvaya Arom |/sphft or sphfty.

n. In the Prakrit, the causative stem is made from all roots by the
addition of (the equivalent of) ftpaya; and a number (about a dozen) of
like formations are quotable from Sanskrit texts, mostly of the latest period :
but three, kri<}&paya, jivfipaya, and dik|&paya, occur in the epics;
and two, a^ftpaya and kfftlftpaya, even in the Siitras.

1048. Inflection: Present-System. The causative

stem is inflected in the present-system precisely like other

Digitized by VjOOQ IC




stems in ^ a (733 a) : it will be sufficient to give heie in
general the first persons of the different formations, taking
as model the stem mjTJ dhUriya, from yu dh^. Thus:

Online LibraryWilliam Dwight WhitneyA Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana → online text (page 39 of 59)