William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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1. Present Indioatiye.



active.



dhfir&yfimi



etc.



dhariyftvas dhftr&yfimas

etc.



dhftr&ye

etc.



etc.
middle,
d. p.

qT^tnc% mpTTq%
dhftr&y&vahe dhftr&yftmahe
etc. etc.

a. The let pi. act. in masi greatly ontnumbeiB (as t«D to one) that
in mas in both RY. and AY. No example occars of 2d pi. act. in thana,
nor of 3d sing. mid. in e for ate.

2. Present Subjunotive.

For the sabjuDCtive may be instanced all the forms noted as
occarring in the older language:

active.
1 dhftr&yft]^ dhftr&yftva
fdliar&y&si
Idhftr&y&s

^ Idh&r&y&t



dhfiar&yftma
dbftrdyftthaa dhar&y&tha

dhftr&yfttas dhftr^yftn



dh&r&yfti
dhar&yftse



middle.
dh&r&y&vahai

{dhftr&yadlive
dh&dtyftdhv&i



3 /^«^y«« dhtoiymte
Idhardyftt&i ^^^

b. Only one dnal mid. form in fiite occurs: mad&y&ite (RY.). The
only RY. mid. form in fti, except in 1st dn., is maday&dhv&i. The
primary endings in 2d and 3d sing. act. are more common than the secondary.

3. Present Optative.

active.



dhfir&yeyam dhftr&yeva



etc.



etc.



dhfir&yema
etc.



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1043— J XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 382

middle.



UT^


uixosrf^ micHhI^


dh&r&yeya


dhftr&yevahi dhftr&yemahi


etc.


etc. etc.



c. Optative forms are yery rare in the oldest Ungaage (four in RY.,
two in AY.); they become more common in the Brahmanas. A 3d sing,
mid. in ita instead of eta (of. 788 b) occurs once in B. (kftmayita AB.),
is not yery rare in S. (a score or two of examples are quotable), and
is also found in MBh. and later. Of a corresponding 3d pi. in iran only
one or two instances can be pointed out (k&mayiran A(S., kalpayiran
AGS.).

4. Present Imperative.

active.

dhftr&ya dhftr&yatam dhftriyata

etc. etc. etc.

middle.

2 yi^UH ^[(IliiHH^ ^npra^

dhftr&yasva dhar&yethftm dhftr&yadhvam
etc. etc. etc.

d. Imperative persons with the ending tftt occur: dhftrayatftt (AY.)
and oyavayat&t ((B.) are 2d sing. ; p&tayatftt ((B.) is 3d sing. ; gama^
yatftt and oyfivayatftt (K. etc.), and v&rayatftt (TB,) are used as 2d pi.
Vftrayadhvftt (K. etc.) is 2d pi., and the only known example of such
an ending (see above, 649 b).

5. Present Participle.

^I^Url dhar&yant UI^UHIUI dhftrdyamfina.

e. The feminine of the active participle is regularly and usually made
in anti (449 o). But a very few examples in ati are met with (one in
the older language: namayati Apast.).

f. The middle participle in mdna is made through the whole hi«Uffy
of the language, from RV. (only y&t&yam&na) down, and is the only
one met with in the earlier language (for Iray&nas [sic 1], MS. ii. 7. 12,
is evidently a false reading, perhaps for frayft nas). But decidedly more
common in the epics and later is one formed with ana: e. g. k&may&nav
cintay&na, p&layftna, vedayftna. It is quotable from a larger number
of roots than is the more regular participle in mfina. As it occurs in no
accentuated text, its accent cannot be given.



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383 Causative. [—1046

6. Imperfeot.

actiTe.

1 sraippq^^ MMi(uH srarpiPT

idhftrayam &dliftrayava ddhftrayfima

etc. etc. etc.

middle.

Uhftraye AdhfirayftTahi idhftrayfimalii
etc. etc. etc.

1044. As was aboTe pointed oat, the formations from the cansatiTe
stem aya outside the present-system are in the oldest language very
limited. In RV. are fonnd two forms of the future in syftmi, one passive
participle (oodit&), and ten infinitives in dhy&i; also one or two deriv-
ative noons in Iqp (bodhayitf , oodayitrl), five in if^u, seven in itnu,
and a few in a (atip&ray&, iiidhftray&» vftcaml&khay&, viQvamejaya),
and in u (dh&rajri^ bhftvayu, mandayu). In AY., also two s-future
forms and four gerunds in tvfi; and a few derivative noun-stems, from
one of which is made a periphrastic perfect (gamay&h oakara). In the
Brahmanas, verbal derivative forms become more numerous and various, as
will be noted in detail below.

1045. Perfect. The accepted causative perfect is the
periphrastic (1071a); a derivative noun in S is made from
the causative stem, and to its accusative, in Sm, is added
the auxiliary: thus,

^||Ul ^RJT^ dhftrayaih oakSra (or Ssa: 1070b)

^l^til ^9f\ dhSrayaih cakre
a. Of this perfect no example occurs in RV. or SV. or VS., only one
— gamayaih oakSra — in AY., and but half-a-dozen in all the various
texts of the Black Tajur-Yeda, and these not in the mantra-parts of the
text. They are also by no means frequent in the Brahmanas, except in
9B. (where they abound: chiefly, perhaps, for the reason that this work
uses in considerable part the perfect instead of the imperfect as its narrative
tense).

1046. Aorist. The aorist of the causative conjugation
is the reduplicated, which in general has nothing to do
with the causative stem, but is made directly from the root.

a. It has been already fully described (above, 856 ff.).

b. Its asBOciation with the causative is probably founded on an
original intensive character belonging to it as a reduplicated form,
and is a matter of gradual growth; in the Veda, it is made from a



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1046—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 384

considerable number of roots (in BY., more than a third of its in-
stances; in AV., about a fifth) which have no causative stem in aya.

o. The causative aorist of yu dhr, then, is as follows:
1 *<<iy|H^ *<{iy^N *<<(1U(IH

ddidharam ididliar&va Adidharfima
etc. etc. etc.

&cUdhare &didliarfiTabi ididharftmahi

etc. etc. etc.

An example was inflected in full at 864.

1047. In a few cases, where the root has assumed a peculiar
form before the causative sign — as by the addition of a p or f
(above, 1042 i ff.) — the reduplicated aorist is made from this form
instead of from the simple root: thus, ati^thipam from sthSp (stem
Bthapaya) for >/8tha. Aorist-stems of this character from quasi-roots
in &p are arpipa ()/r)» Jijapa or Jljipa, jij&apa or Jijfiipa, ^i^rapa,
ti^t^ipa, jihipa; the only other example from the older langua^^e is
bibhifa from bhi^ for yhhi,

1048. But a few sporadic forms of an ii^-aorist from camative con-
Jagation-Btems are met with: thus, dhvanayit (RV.; TS. has instead the
wholly anomalous dhvanayit), vyathayis and ftilaylt (AY.), pyftyayi^
{hfis and av&dayi^fhfts (KBU.), in the older language (RY. has »lso
tlnayis from a denominative stem); in the later, ahladayifata (DKC),
and probably a^h&tayithas (MBh.; for -ifth&a: cf. 904 d). The passiTe
3d sing, aropi, from the causative ropaya, has a late occurrence (^atr.).

1049. A precative is of course allowed by the grammarians to be
made for the causative conjugation: in the middle, from the causative stem
with the auxiliary i substituted for its final a; in the active, ftom the
form of the root as strengthened in the causative stem, but without ib«
causative sign: thus,

MIUIVIM dhftryftsam etc. ^({{IJNIU dhfirayifiya etc.

This formation is to be regarded as purely fictitious.

1050. Futures. Both futures, with the conditional,
are made from the causative stem, with the auxiliary t t
which takes the place of its final ^ a. Thus:

S-Future.
UI|fU^|fH dhftrayifydmi etc. t|||{I|^ dhftrayi^y^ etc.
^I^nj^tl dhftrasri^y&nt tJl^fll^HIUI dhSrayi^ydmS^a



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385 Causativb. [—1061

Conditional.
Cmr^firsax? &dhftMjii|^am eto. ilMI^Rl^ &dhftr»yl9y« etc.

Periphrastio Fntnre.
Ul^fUHlfH dhfira^tfUmi etc.

a. It has been mentioned above tiiat RY. and AY. contidn only two
examples each of the s-fbtare, and none of the periphrastic. The former
begin to appear in the BrShmanas more nnmerondy, bnt still sparingly,
with participles, and conditional (only ndhiSrayitfyt (B.; alSpayi^ya-
thSs GhU.); of the latter, (B. affords two instanoes (pBra^tasHii and
Janayitfbi). Examples of botii formations are quotable from the later
language (including the middle form dar^ayitSlie : 947 c).

1061. Verbal Nouns and AdjectiYes. These are
made in two different ways: either 1. from the full causa-
tiYe stem (in the same manner as the futures, just des-
cribed); or 2. from the causatively strengthened root-form
(with loss of the causa tiYe-sign) .

a. To the latter class belong the paBsiye participle, as dhftrita;
the gerundive and gernnd in ya, as dhfirsrs, -dhSrya; and the gerund
in am, as dhftram; also, in the older language, the root-infinitive,
as -dhftram etc. (970 a). To the former class belong the infinitive
and the gerund in tva, as dlifirayitum, dharayitvfi, and the gerundive
in tavya, as dharayitavya (also, in the older language, the infinitives
in tavfii and dhyfti, as j&nayitav&f, iray&dhy&i» etc.). The auxiliary
1 is taken in every formation which ever admits that vowel.

b. Bzamples of the passive participle axe: irit^ vftsita, ^rSvitA.
Bnt from the qnasi-root jiiap (1042 J) is made jliapta, without nnion-
Towel.

e. Examples of the infinitive and gerund in tvft are: J6fayitum,
dHarayitmn ; kalpayitva, arpajritva. But in the epics, and even later,
inflnitiYeB are occasionally made with loss of the causatlTe-sign : e. g.
9e9itiim» blifivitum» dhftritum» mocitum.

d. Examples of the gerunds in ya and am are: -bbf^jya, -ghftrya,
-pftdya, -vfiaya, nfiyya, -sthftpya; -bhi^am, stbftpam. But stems
showing in the root-syllable no difference from the root retain ay of the
causative-sign in the gerund, to distinguish it from that belonging to the
primary conjugation : e. g. -kramiyya, -gam&yya» -jan&yya, -Jval&srya,
•kalayya, -9amayya, -racayya, -ftpayya.

e. Examples of the gerundive in tavya are: tarpayitavy^ gam-
syitavya, hvftyayitavya ; of that in ya, atbapya, hirya, yiUya; of
that in an|ya» sthftpanlya, bhavanlya.

Whitney, Orsmmar. 8. ed. 25



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1061—] XIV. Sbcondaey Conjugation. 386

f. Examples of other formations ocurring in the older langaage are
as follows: root-inflnitiYe, -sthapaniy -vftsas; — infinitive in tu, other
cases than aocnsative, -janayitave; j&nayitavafy payayitavfi£» -^oot-
ayitavfif; Qdmayitos; — inflnitlTe in dhyfii, ifay&dhy&i, iray&dhyfii,
taABay&dhyftiy nft9ay&dhy&i, manday&dhySi, mftday&dhy&i, rif-
ay&dhySi, vartay&dhy&i, vfijay&dhyOi, syanday&dliy&i (&U BY.);
— gerundive in fiyya, panayayya, sp^hayayya, trayayayya (? >^trft).

g. Other noun-deriTatiyes ftom the cansative stem are not infrequent,
being decidedly more nnmerons and yarions than from any other of the
secondary conjugation-stems. Eiamples (of other kinds than those instanced
in 1044) are: ktpBj^ d&pana, pru^Lana, bhliffaj^a; jxlftpaka, ropaka;
patay&lu, spfhayftlu; J&nayati, jiiaptd.

h« All the classes of deriyatives, it will be noticed, follow in regtid
to accent the analogy of similar formations horn the simple root, and show
no influence of the special accent of the causatiye-stem.

1052. Deiiyative or Teitiary Conjugations.
Fiom the causative stem are made a passive and a de-
sideiative conjugation. Thus:

a. The passive-stem is formed by adding the usual
passivoHsign IT y^ to the causatively strengthened root, the
causative-sign being dropped: thus, ITTOH dhSry^te.

b. Such passives are hardly found in the Teda (only bh^yd- AY.),
but some thirty instances are met with in the Brahmanas and Sutras: ex-
amples are jiiapyd- (TS.), s&dya- (K.), pftdya- (AB.), vftdya- (TB,),
sthftpya- (OB.); and they become quite common later.

o. The desiderative stem is made by reduplication and

addition of the sign ^ iffa, of which the initial vowel replaces

the final of the causative stem: thus, {^MI^fUMfrl didhSrayi^ti

d. These, too, are found here and there in the Brahmanas and later
(about forty stems are quotable) : examples are pipgyayifa (K.), bibhSv-
ayifa and cikalpasrifa and lulobhayifa (AB.)} dldrapayifa and rirfidb-
ajri^ (?B.), and so on.

e. As to causatives made from the intensive and desiderative stems,
see above, 1025, 1089.

V. Denominative.

1058. A denominative conjugation is one that has for

its basis a noun-stem.

a. It is a view now prevailingly held that most of the present-
systems of the Sanskrit verb, along with other formations analogous with a



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387 Denominative. [ — 1066

present-system, are in their ultimate origin denominative; and that many
apparent roots are of the same character. The denominatives wliich are so
called differ from these only in that their origin is recent and nndiggnised.

1054. The giammarians teaoh that any noun-stem in
the language may be conveited, without other addition than
that of an iEI a (as union-vowel enabling it to be inflected
according to the second general conjugation) into a present-
stem^ and conjugated as such.

a. But snch formations are rare in actual use. The RY. has a few
isolated and doubtful examples, the clearest of which is bhif^kti he hedU,
from bhifU physician) it is made like a form of the root-class; abhifijiak
seems to be its imperfect according to the nasal class j and p&tyate li€
rules appears to be a denominative of p&ti master', other possible cases
are ifaj^iaa etc., kfp&i^anta, taru^ema etc., vanufanta, bhurajanta»
vtoanvati. From the other older texts are quotable kavy&nt (TS.),
49lonat (TB.), unmulati (SB.), svadhfimahe (99S.). And a consider-
able number of instances, mostly isolated, are found in the later language:
e. g. kalahant (MBh.), arghanti (Pafic), abjati (9atr.), gardabhati
(SD.), ntka^fhate (SD.), Jagannetrati (Pras.), keli9vetaBahaBra-
pattrati (Pras.)-

1056. In general, the base of denominative conjugation
is made from the noun-stem by means of the conjugation-
sign TJ[ yd, which has the accent.

a. The identity of this ya with the ya of the so-called causative
conjugation, as making with the final a of a noun-stem the causative-sign
aya, is hardly to be questioned. What relation it sustains to the ya of
the ya-class (759), of the passive (708), and of the derivative intensive
stem (1016), is much more doubtful.

1058. Intermediate between the denominatiye and causative
coDJugatioDS stands a class of verbs, plainly denominative in origin,
but having the causative accent. Examples, beginning to appear at the
earliest period of the language, are mantr&yate speaks, takes counsel,
(from mantra, )/man + tra), kirt&yati commemorates (from kirti,
l/kf praise'), arth&yati or -te makes an object of, seeks (from &rtlia goal,
object), van^ayati depicts (from van^a color), kathayati or -te gives
the how of anything, relates (from katham howf), and so on. These,
along with like forms from roots which have no other present-system
(though they may make scattering forms outside that system from
the root directly), or which have this beside other present-systems
without causative meaning, -are reckoned by the grammarians as a
separate conjugation-class, the cur-class (above, 807, 775).

26*



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1057—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 388

1067. Denominatiyes are formed at eyeiy period in the

history of the language, from the earliest down.

a. They are frequent in BY., which contains oyer a hundred ,
of all yarieties ; AV. has only half as many (and personal forms from
hardly a third as many: from the rest, present participles, or deriy-
ative nouns); AB., less than twenty; QB., hardly more than a dozen;
and so on. In the later language they are quotable by hundreds^
but from the yast majority of stems occur only an example or two;
the only ones that haye won any currency are those that haye assumed
the character of '^cnr-class*' verbs.

1058. The denominatiye meaning is, a« in other lan-
guages, of the greatest yariety; some of the most frequent
forms of it are: be like^ act aSy play, the part of\ regard
or treat a8\ cause to be^ make into; use, make application
of; desire, toish for, crave — that which is signified by the
noun-stem.

a. The modes of treatment of the stem-final are also yarioua;
and the grammarians make a certain more or less definite assignment
of the varieties of meaning to the yarieties of form; but this allot-
ment finds only a dubious support in the usages of the words as met
with even in the later language, and still less in the earlier. Hence
the formal classification, according to the final of the noun-stem
and the way in which this is treated before the denominatiye sign yA,
will be the best one to follow.

1068. From stems in a. a. The final a of a noun-stem
oftenest remains unchanged: thus, amitray&ti plays tiltf enemy, ie
hoetUe-, deyay&ti cultivates the gods, is pious.

b. But final a is also often lengthened: thus, aghSy&ti plam
mischief 'y priyfiy&te J^lds dear; agySy&ti seeks for horses; aganiy4tl
desires food,

c. While in the Veda the various modes of denomintiiye fbniialioii
are weU distributed, no one showing a marked preponderance, in the latsr
langnage the vast majority of donominatlTes (fully seven eighths) are ef
the two kinds jast noticed: namely, made from a-stems, and of the fotm
aya or fiya, the former predominating. And there is seen a decided ten-
dency to give the denominatives in aya an active f^rm and tnositive mean-
ing, and those in ftya a middle form and Intransitive or reflexive meaning.
In not a few cases, parallel formations from the same stem illusftrato this
distinction: e. g. kalufayati makes turbid, kalufiyate is or beeomee
turbid; tanujiayati r^uvenates, taro^fiyate is rejuvenated; fitfaUsiyatt
loosens, 9ithilayate grou)s hose. No distinct traces of this distincten are



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389 Dbnominativb. [-—1064

reoogninble in the Teda, although the? e also conespoBding forms with short
a and with long ft sometiines stand side by side.

d. Final a is sometimes changed to i (Tery rarely i) : thns, adlivsrly&ti
performs the sacrifice; tavl^Iy&ti is mighty ; putrfy&ld or putriy&ti desires
a sen; mMiuOykti craves jUsh; si^yate is ready; oandrakfintSjrati is
moonstanelike. Not fifty stems of this form are quotable.

e. It is oecasionally dropped (after n or r) : thns, tara^jr&ti is rapid;
adhryary&td performs the sacri^fice,

f. Other modes of treatment are sporadic: thus, the addition of 8, as
in Btanasyati seeks the breast; the change of a to e, as in varey&ti
plays the toooer.

1060. From stems in ft. Final ft usually remains, as in gopfty-
Ati plays the herdsman, protects; yfUa^M^Ati Jighis; hut it is sometimes
treated in the other methods of an a-stem; thus, p^^tanyati fights; tilotta-
miyati acts Tilottama.

1061. From stems in i, i, and u, &. Such stems are (especially
those in tL» il) very rare. They show regularly i and ft befbre ya: thus,
arfitly&tl (also -tiy-) pUis injury; janiy&ti (also -niy-) seeks a wife;
sakhly&ti desires friendship; nftriyate turns woman; — 9atrQy&ti acts
the foe; fjl&y&ti is straight; vasny&td desires wealth; nsuykti grumhleSy
is discontented: with short u, gfttay&U sets in motion.

a. More rarely, i or u is treated as a (or else is gunated, with loss
of a y or v): thus, dhunay&ti comes snorting; laghayati makes easier.
Sometimes, as to a (above, 1069 f), a sibilant is added: thus, avi^y^ti
is vehement; um^y&ti saves. From dhl, BY. makes dhlyfty&te.

1062. From other to wel -stems, a. Final ^ is changed to rl:
thus, mfttiiy&ti treats as a mother (only quotable example).

b. The diphthongs, in the few cases that occur, have their final ele-
ment changed to a semiTOwel: thus, gavy&tl seeks cattle^ goes a-raiding.

1068. From consonant-stems. A final consonant usually remains
before ya : thus, bhi^ajy&ti plays the physician, cures ; uki^a^&ti ads
like a hull; apasy&ti is active; namasy&ti pays reverence; BvaxiajiABykte
is favorably disposed; taruijy&ti fights.

a. But a final n is sometimes dropped, and the preceding vowel treated
as a final: thus, riy&y&te or riyiy&ti is kingly^ tiom rsyan; -karma-
yati from -karman; svfimiyati treats as master, from Bvftmin: Tqr9&-
y&te from v^^^an is the only example quotable from the older language.
Sporadic cases occur of other final consonants similarly treated: thus, ojft-
y&te from ojas, -manftyate from -manas; — while, on the other hand,
an a-vowel is occasionally added to such a consonant before ya: thus, i^a-
y4td from if, satvaniyati from satvan.

1064. The largest class of consonantal stems are those showing a B
before the ya; and, as has been seen above, a sibilant is sometimes, by
analogy, added to a final vowel, making the denomitive-sign virtually sya



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1064—] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 390

— or eTCD, with a also added after an i- or a-vowel, asya; and this cozii»
to be recognized by the grammarians as an independent sign, forming denoc-
inatiyes that express desire: thus, suxnakhasy&te is merry ; jlvanaaym-
(in -sya love of life)] v^^fasyati desires the male (the only quotable exan-
pies); madhufyati or madhvasyati longs for honey] kiirassrati eracet
milk,

1066. The grammarians reckon as a special class of denomiiiatiTe*
in kftmya what are really only ordinary ones made from a compound noon-
stem having kama as Its final member : thus, rathakfimyati lan^ for
the chariot (K.: only example fonnd in the older language); arthalcSm-
yati desires wealth-, putrak&myati wishes a son (the only quotable exam-
ples) ; coming from the possessiTe compounds rathakftma etc. And artbJL-
pftyati treats as property is a (sole quotable) example of a stem kaTing
the Prakritic causatiye form (1042 n),

a. Stems of anomalous formation are drfighaya from dirgha, dra^k-
aya from dr^a, and perhaps mradaya from m^o.

1066. a. A number of denominatiye stems occur in the Veda for
which no corresponding noun-stems are found, although for all or nearly
all of them related words appear: thus, ankuy&, Btabhuyd, i^udliya;
dhi^ai^yd, rifa^yi, ruvanya, havanya, ifa^&; ratharyd, ^ratharya*
saparya; iyasya ((B.), irasyd, da^asy^, makhasyd, panasySy sa-
oasyi. Those in anya, especially, look like the beginnings of a new
conjugation-class.

b. Haying still more that aspect, however, are a Yedic group of stems
in ftya, which in general have allied themselves to present-systems of the
nft-class (782), and are found alongside the forms of that class: thur,
grbhfty&ti beside g^bhi^ftti. Of such, RV. has g^bbftyd, mathfiyi,
pniffty&y mu9&y&, 9rathfiya» skabbftyd, stabbftyi. A few others
haye no nft-class rompanious: thus, damfiy&, 9aiDfiy&, tudfiy& (AV.);
and panftya, na9&ya» v^^&ya (yvx^ rain), vasfiyi (yvas clothe), and
perhaps a^ftya (/a9 attain),

O. Here may be mentioned also quasi-denominatives made from one-
matopoetic combinations of sounds, generally with repetition: e. g. ki^aki-
(ftya, thatathatarftya, mifami^&ya, 9ara9arfiya.

1067. The denominatiye stems in RV. and AY. with causative accent-
uation are: RY. a&kh&ya, arth&ya, if&ya (also i^ay^), urj&ya, ftAya,
kfp&ya, maiitr&ya» mrg&ya» vavr&ya» viy&ya (also vl^ayi), viliiya,
BUQv&ya (also su^vayi) ; AY. adds kirt&ya» dhtip&ya, pftl&ya, vir&ya,
sabhfig&ya.

a. The accent of &imiya and hdstaya (RY.) is wholly anomalous.

1068. Inflection. The denominatiYe stems are in-
flected with regularity like the other stems ending in 39 a
(788 a] throughout the present-system. Forms outside of



Digitized by VjOOQ IC



391 Denominative. [—1069

that system — except fiom the stems which aie reckoned
to the causative or our-class, and which follow in all re-
spects the rules for that class — are of the utmost rarity.

a« In BV. occurs no form not belonging to the present-system, except
nnayls (with ma prohibitive), an ii-aorist 2d sing. (of. 1048). Fxirthei
examples of this torist are &8uyit ((B.), papayi^ta (^S.: pi., with mi
prohibitive), and avr^Esd^ata (VS. etc.). The form Asaparyait (AV.
xiv. 2. 20), with ai for i (555 c), might be aorist; bnt, as the metre
shows, is probably a corrupt reading; amanaeyftit, certainly imperfect,
appears to occur in IB. (ii. 3. 8^). Other forms begin to appear in the
Biahmanas: e. g. the futures gopftyi^yati ((B.), meghayify&nt, luu^-
cjuyi^y&nt, Qikftyify&nt (TS.), the participles bhifajyit4 (? JB. -jita)



Online LibraryWilliam Dwight WhitneyA Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana → online text (page 40 of 59)