William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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and iyasiti (9B.), ka]^<}uyit4, 9ikit&, and meghit& (TS.), the gerund
sazhQl^k^i^ya ((B.), and so on. In the later language, also, forms out-
side the present-system (except the participle in ta) are only sporadic; and
of tertiary conjugation forms there are hardly any: examples are the causa-
tiyes dhum&yaya and as^aya (MBh.), and the desiderative abhififei^a-
yifa (gig.).

b. Noun-derivatives from denominative stems follow the analogy of
those from causative stems (1051g). In the older language, those in a
and a (especially the former) are much the most numerous; later, that in
ana prevails over all others.



1069. One periphrastic formation, the periphrastic
future, has been already described (942 ff.), since it has
become in the later language a recognized part of every
verbal conjugation, and since, though still remainig essen-
tially periphrastic, it has been so fused in its parts and al-
tered in construction as to assume in considerable measure
the semblance of an integral tense-formation.

By far the most important other formation of the
class is —

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1070—] XV. Periphrastic and Compound Conjugation. 392

The Periphrastic Perfect

1070. This (though almost unknown in the Veda, and
coming only gradually into use in the Biahmanas) is a
tense widely, made and firequenlly used in ihe clwjwKiml

a. It is made by prefixing the acjiisative of a deriva-
tive noun-stem in 9T i (accented) to the perfect tense _pf an
auxiliary verb : namely, of y^ k^ make, more often of
05IH as be, and very rarely of yH bhtl be.

b. In the older Ungaage (see below, 107Bd), kf is almost the only
auxiliary used in making this tense, as oconrring yery few times, and bhfi
neyer. Later, also, bhtl is qoite rare (it is found nine times in MBh.,
six times in Rgh., and a few times elsewhere), hut as gains Tory greatly
in currency, haying become the usual auxiliary, while kf is only exceptional.

c« Somewhat - similar formations with yet other auxiliaries are not
absolutely unknown in the later language: thus varayfiih praoaknunus
(MBh.), p^ayftm (etc.) vyadhus (YTracaritra), m^^gaySm av&tait (ib.).

1071. The periphrastic perfect occurs as follows:

a. It is the accepted perfect of the derivative conjuga-
tions: intensive, desiderative, causative, and denominatiTe;
the noun in ^ i being made from the present-stem which is
the general basis of each conjugation: thus, from ysm budh,
intensive <M [®U4 l^^bobudhim, desiderative 5>J=RW bubhuteim,
causative <^Mti i<^bodhay&m ; denominative TTPHTR mantray-

b« The formation from causatiye stems (including those denominatiyes
which haye assumed the aspect of causatiyes: 1066) is by far the most
frequent Only a few desideratiyes are quotable (1034 a), and of inten-
siyes only jfigaram ftsa (1020 a; beside Jsjag&ra).

o. Most roots beginning with a vowel in a heavy syl-
lable (long by nature or long by position) make this perfect
only, and not the simple one: thus, 9THFT &sfim from yiHH
Ss sit; J^TR Ik^&m from y^ tk^ see; ^s^lH^ujjhfim from
V3^ ujh forsake; ^ym edhfim from Y^ edh thrive (the
only examples quotable).

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393 PsRijrasASTic Pbbfbot. [—1^73

d. Excepted are the roots ftp and ftftoh, and those beginning with a
before two consonants (and taking ftn as reduplication: 788).

e. The roots (tiiat is, stems reckoned by the grammarians as roots) of
more than one syllable have their perfect of this formation: thns, oaklsim.
Bnt Qr^XL (718) is said to form Qr^oiUlTm only; while Jfig^p (lOSO)
makes a perfect of either formation, and daridrft (1024 a) is said to do
tbe same.

f. A few other roots make tbe periphrastic in addition to the nsnal
radnpUcated perfect Thus, in the older language only are tovnd tiie stems
emySm, t&jrftm, nilayftm, vlsftm iyvtm dwell), vidftm (Vvid kww),
vyayfim, and the reduplicated stems bibhi^ftm and juhaTtm ; the later
langaage adds ayim, jayftm, dayftm, nagrSm, smayftm, hvayfim, and
the redoplicated bibtharftm; and the grammarians teach like formatioiis
£rom n^f kft8» and the reduplicating luA. The stem is made in every .case
from the present-stem with gva^ of a final yowel.

1072. The periphrastic perfect of the middle voice is

made with the middle inflection of y^ kr* For passive

use, the auxiliaries CTFT as and H bhfl are said to be allowed

to take a middle inflection.

a. One or two late examples of bhQ with middle inflection have been
pointed oat, but none of as.

Ji. It is unneceBsary to give a paradigm of this formation, as
the inflection of the auxiliaries is the same as in their independent
use: for that of }/lqr, see 800k; of vl>hii, see 800 d; of yas, see 800m.

c. The connection of the noun and auxiliary is not so close that other
words are not occasionally allowed to come between them : thus, xninifiia-
sam ev& cfikkre ((B.) he merely speculated ; vidftih vft idam ayaih
oakftra (JB.) he verily knew this; prabhrafL9ay&iii yo naghufaih ca-
kftra who made Naghusha fall headlong (Bgh.).

1073. The above is an account of the periphrastic formation
with a derivative noun in ftm as it appears especially in the later
language; earlier, its aspect is rather that of a more general, but
quite infrequent, combination of such a noun with various forms of
the root k^. Thus:

a« Of the periphrastic perfect occurs only a single example in the
whole body of Yedic texts (metrical): namely, gamayaih oakftra (AY.).
In the Brahmanas examples from causatlYe stems begin to appear more
freely, but are everywhere few in number except in ^B. (which has them
ftom twenty-four root^, and a few of these in seToral occurrences). From
desiderative stems they are yet rarer (only seven occurrences, five of them
in 9B.: see 1084 a); and from intensives they are unknown. The peri-
phrastic perfects of primary conjugation were noted above (1071 f : in i^B.,

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1078—] XV. Periphrastic and Compound Conjugation. 39^

eight stems and about eighty occurrences, chiefly from ikf, bhiy and vid;
that from vid is found in the greatest number of texts).

b. Forms with the aorist of the auxiliary are in the oldest Brahinanas
as numerous as those with the perfect. Thus, with akar occiir raxna^FABi
(K.), Janayam and Bftdayim and svadayam and sthftpayam (MS.);
and with akran, vidam (TS. TB. MS.). With the aorist optoUve or pre.
cative has been found only pftvayaih kriyftt (MS.).

O. Like combinations with other tenses are not entirely unkDOwn:
thus, Juhavfiih karoti (99S.). So also in the later language, where bave
been found quotable half-a-dozen such cases as vidfiih karoti (P»f»c.)j
vidftiii karotu and kurvantu (Pa&c. etc.).

d. Only two or three cases of the use of as instead of kf ae auxil-
iary are met with in the older language: they are mantray&m asa (AB.
GB.), Janayftm asa ((vU.), and Ikfam ftsa (9(8.).

e. A single example of an accented auxiliary is met with in the accent-
uated texts: namely, atiraoayaih oakruB (QB.). As was to be expected,
ttom the nature of the combination, the noun also retains its accent (com-
pare 945).

Participial Periphrastic Phrases.

1074. The firequent use, especially in the later language,
of a past or a future passive participle with the copula (or
also without it] to make participial phrases having a >alue
analogous to that of verb-tenses, has been already noticed
(999). But other similar combinations are not unknown in
any period of the language, as made with other auxiliaries,
or with other participles.

a. They occur even in the Veda, but are far more common and
conspicuous in the Brabmanas, and become again of minor account in the
later language.

1076. Examples of the various formations are as follows:
a. A (usually present) participle with the tenses of the verb i po.
This is the combination, on the whole, of widest and most frequent occqt-
rence. Thus : &yaJvaiio vibh^jann 6ti v6da^ (R^O ^ ^^' ff*^^ owa^
the wealth of the non-offerer', yathft sucyft vftsa^ saihdadhad iyftd
evam evil tftbhir y^jflasya chidraih saihdadhad eti (AB.) just om
one would mend \hahituaUy] a garment with a needle^ so with these one
mends any defect of the sacrifice ; agnir vft idaih vfti9vfinaro dahann
iit (PB.) Agni Vaicvanara kept burning this creation; t6 'surfi^p&ri-
jitS y&nto dyav&p^hivl upft^rayan (TB.) those Asuras, getting beaten^
took refuge with heaven and earth ; t^ 'sya gl^l^ckl^ pa^&va npamfiryi-
mSi^ft lyuh ((B.) the animalsy his family, wotild be continually destroyed.

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395 Participial Phrases. [—1076

b. The same with the verb oar go {continually or hcibitually) signifying
still more distinctly than the pioceding a continued or habitual action. Thus:
agnav agni9 oaratd pr&vi^ta^ (^^O ^9^^ <*« constantly present in the
Jire\ culai^ijiyaih dai^<}ena ghnanta^ caranti (PB.) they make a practice
of beating with a rod what is undeserving of punishment.

O. The same with the xeibs fis sit and Bthft stand^ with a like mean-
ing. Thus, juhvata fisate (K.) they continue sacrificing ; te *pakramya
prativftvadato 'ti^than (AB.) ihey, having gone of, kept vehemently
refusing. In the later language, sthft is the verb oftenest used, with predi-
cates of Tarlous kind, to make a verbal phrase of continuance.

d. A present or future or perfect participle with as and bhu he.
The participle is oftenest a future one; as only is used in the optative,
bhtl usually in other forms. Thus: yah purvam an^jfinah syftt (AB.)
whoever may not have made sacrifice before-, samSvad eva yajfte kur-
v&]^ asan (GB.) they did the same thing at the sacrifice*, parikA^ajotA
asan (MS.) they were playing about; y&tra suptva punar nk 'vadr&-
sy&n bh&vati (fB.) wlien, after sleeping, lie is not going to fall asleep
again-, havyaih hi vak^yan bhavati (AB.) for he is intending to carry
the sacrifice; dasyant syftt (K.) may be going to give; y^navahcmena
syantsy&nt syat ((B.) with what vehicle he may be about to drive. True
expressions for perfect and pluperfect and future perfect time are capable
of being made by such means, and now and then are made, but in no
regular and couKhued fashion.

Composition with Prepositional Prefixes.

^76. All the forms, personal and other, of verbal con-
jugation — of both primary and secondary conjugation,
and even to some extent of denominative (so far as the
denominative stems have become assimilated in value to
simple roots) — occur very frequently in combination with
certain words of direction, elements of an adverbial character
(see the next chapter}, the so-called prepositions (according
to the original use of that term), or the verbal prefixes.

a. Practically, in the later language, it is as if a compounded root
-were formed, out of root and prefix, from which then the whole conjugation
(with derivatlTeB: below, chap. XYIl.) is made, just as from the simple
root. Tet, even there (and still more in the older language: 1081 a-o), the
combination is so loose, and the members retain so much of their independent
value, that in most dictionaries (that of Sir Monier Williams is an exception)
the conjugation of each root with prefixes is treated under the simple root,
and not in the alphabetic order of the prefix. Derivative words, however,

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1076—] XV. Periphrastic and Compound Conjugation. 396

are by uniTersal agreement given in their independent alphabetic plaoe, like
simple words.

1077. Those verbal prefixes which have value as suoh
throughout the whole history of the language are given
below in alphabetic order with their fundamental meanings:

^Eripf &ti <icro$8, beyond^ past, over^ to excess ;

^rfir 4dhl ahopej over, on, on to;

5R &nu after, along, toward;

vm^ ant&r between, among, toithin',

5|t| dps away, forth, off\

Sifq &pi unto, close upon or on;

Slfn Abhi to, unto, against (often with implied violence);

5Ior iva dotjon, off;

m t to, unto, at;

35" 6d up, up forth or out;

OT lips to, unto, toward;

^ ni doion; in, into;

f5(^ nis out, forth ;

q^ pArS to a distance, away, forth;

qf^ pdri round about, around;

^ pri forward, onward, forth, fore ;

^f^ pr&tL in reversed direction, back to or agai$^
in return;

1% vi apart, asunder, away, out;

H^s&m along, with, together.

a« Some of these, of course, are nsed much more widely and frequently
than others. In order of frequency in the older language (as estimated by
the number of roots with which they are found used in RY. and AT.), tiiey
stand as follows : pra, &, vi, 8am» abhi, ni» ud« pari, ana, upa, prati,
ava, nis, ati, apa, par&» adhi, api, antar. Api is of very limited
use as prefix in the later language, having become a conjunction, toOt aUo.

b. The meanings given above are only the leading ones. In eombiaatioiis
of root and prefix they undergo much modification, both literal and llguxatlTe
— yet seldom in such a way that the steps of transition from the fund-
amental sense are not easy to trace. Sometimes, indeed, the T«lae of •

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597 Verbal Prefixes. [—1081

root ia hardly perceptibly modified by the addition of the prefix. An in-
teDst^e force is not infrequently given by pari, vi, and Bam.

1078. Prefixes essentially akin with the above, bat more dis-
tinctly adverbial, and of more restricted use, are these:

&olia (or dchft) io, unto: tolerably frequent in RV. (used with
over twenty roots), but already unusual in AV. (only two roots), quite
restricted in B., and entirely lost in the later language;

ftvis forth to highly in view: used only with the roots bhu, as,
amd kr;

tir&s through, crossways] out of sight: hardly used except with
lq>, dhft, bhtl (in RV., with three or four others);

pur&8 in front J forward: used with only half-a-dozen roots,
especially kr» dhS, i;

prftd^ forth to view: only with bhu, as, k^*

a. A few others, as bahis outside, vinS unfhout, alam (with bhu
and kf) sufficiettlt/j properly, Bfikijfftt in view, axe BtiU less lemoned from
ordinary adverbs.

1079. Of yet more limited use, and of noun- rather than adverb-
value, are:

9rad (or 9rathP), only with dhft (in BY., once also with k^):
Qraddha believe, credit:

hifl, only with kf (and fitsolete in the classical language): hi&lq^
nuA^ the sound hing, low, murmur.

a. And beside these stand yet more fortuitons combinations: see
below, 1091.

1080. More than one piefix may be set before the same
root. Combinations of two are quite usual; of three, much
less common; of more than three, rare. Their order is in
general determined only by the requirements of the meaning,
each added prefix bringing a further modification to the
combination before which it is set. But 35(T S is almost
never allowed, either earlier or later, to be put in front
of any of the others.

a. The very rare cases of apparent preflxion of ft to another prefix
(as avihanti MBh., ftvitanvSnft^ BhP.) are perhaps best explained as
having the a used inj^pendently, as an adverb.

1081. In classii^l Sanskrit, the prefix stands immediately
before the verbal form.

a. In the earlier language, however (especially in the Veda; in
the Brahmana less often and more restrictedly), its position is quite

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1081—] XV. Periphrastic and Compound Conjugation. 398

free: it may be separated from the verb by another word or word«,
and may even come after the form to which it belongs; it may also
stand alone, qualifying a verb that is understood, or conjointly with
another prefix one that is expressed.

b. Thus, 8& devaA 6 1i& vak^yati (RY.) he shall bring the gods
hither \ pr& i^a ayufi^i tari^at (AY.) may se lengthen out our lives; tiv
a yatam upa drav&t (RY.) do ye two come hither quickly; g&mad
vfvjebhir a si nah (RV.) may he come with gifts hither to U8\ pAri
m^ pari me prajaiii p&ri i^ah p&hi y&d dh&nam (AY.) protect me,
my progeny, and what wealth we own ; y&tah sadyA i ca p&r& ca yAnti
(AY.) from whence every day they advance and retire ; vy ah&di sArvena
p&pin&n& [a-y^tam] vi y&k^mena B&m ayof & (AY.) / Juive eeparaied
from all evil, from disease, [I have joined myself '\ with life\ vi hy
enena pa9yati (AB) for hy it he sees; vi va e^k praj&yft pa^ubhir
^dhyate (TB.) he is deprived of progeny and cattle.

C. Three or four instances have been cited from the later langua^
of a prefix separated ftom, or following, a Terb ; perhaps the prefix in every
such case admits of being regarded as an adverb.

1082. As regards the accent of verb-forms compounded with
prefixes, only the case needs to be considered in which the prefix
stands (as always in the later language) immediately before the verb;
otherwise, verb and prefix are treated as two independent words.

1083. a. A personal verbal form, as has been seen above (59S),
is ordinarily unaccented; before such a form, the prefix has its own
accent; or, if two or more precede the same form, the one nearest
the latter is so accented, and the others lose their accent.

b. If, however, the verb-form is accented, the prefix or prefixes
lose their accent

c. That is, in every case, the verb along with its normiUly
situated prefix or prefixes so far constitutes a unity that the whole
combination is allowed to take but a single accent.

d. Examples are: pAre lii nftrl punar 6 'hi k^ipxAm (AY.) go
away, woman; come again quickly; Atha 'staiii vlpAretana (RY.) iA<f»
scatter ye away to your home-, samaoinu^vft 'nusamprAyfihi (AY]
gather together, go forth together after; yAd gfhan upod&iti (AY.) when
he goes up to the house; evi oa tv&m sarama SjagAntha (RY.) nov
that you, Sarama, have thus come hither; y6na ''viftitah pravivA^ithft
'pA^ (RY.) enveloped in which thou didst enter the waters,

1084. A prefix, however, not seldom has a more independent
value, as a general adverb of direction, or as a preposition (in the
usual modem sense of that term), belonging to and governing a nonn ;
in such case, it is not drawn in to form part of a verbal compound,
but has its own accent. The two kinds of use shade into one anotber.
and are not divisible by any distinct and fixed line.

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399 Verbal Prefixes. [—1087

a. Theje is in BY. a considerable number of cases (some thirty) in
which the pada-text gives unnecessarily, and probably wrongly, an inde-
pendent accent to a prefix before an accented verb (or other prefix): re-
solving, for example, inihat into a &ruliat, vy&oet into vf &oet,
abhy&var^it into abhi dvar^It, vyisarat into vi i asarat (instead of
&-&ruhat etc.).

1086. In combination with the non-personal parts of the yerb-
system — with participles, infinitives, and gerunds — the general rule
is that the prefix loses its accent, in favor of the other member of the
compound. But the prefix instead has sometimes the accent : namely,
when combined —

a. with the passive participle in ta or na: thus, p&reta gone
forth] ant&rhita concealed; &vapanna fallen; s&mp^n^ complete
(cf. 1284).

b. But some exceptions to this rule are met with: e. g., in BY., nioit&,
niflq^ pra9a8t&» ni^atti, etc.; in AY., apakriti.

o. with the infinitive in tu (972), in all its cases: thus, s&ih-
bartom to collect; &pidh&tave to cover up; &vaganto8 of descending.
The doubly accented dative in tav&f retains its final accent, but
throws the other back upon the prefix : thus, &nvetavft£ for follow-
ing; &pabhartavSi /or carrying off,

1088. The closeness of combination between the root and the
prefix is indicated not only by their unity of accent, but also by the
euphonic rules (e. g. 186, 192), which allow the mutual adaptations
of the two to be made to some extent as if they were parts of a
unitary word.

1087. A few special irregularities call for notice:

a. In the later language, api, adbi, and ava» in connection with
certain roots and their derivatives, sometimes lose the initial vowel : namely,
api with nab and dbS, adM with stbO, ava with gftb etc.: e. g.
plnaddba, pibita, dbi^fbita, vag&bya, vataftsa, vadftnya, va^fabbya,
vainajjaiia» vek^ana, valepana. In the Yeda, on the other hand, i^
is in a few cases found instead (apparently) of nis with ylqp.

b. The final vowel of a prefix, especially an i, is (oftenest in the
older language) sometimes lengthened, especially in derivative words: e. g.
pratikfira, niv^t, parib&ra, virudb, adbivftsd, &pivTta, abblvart&;
antlrudb; avSyaU, pr&vf^, upftvasu. In the Yeda, the initial of anu
is sometimes lengthened after negative an: e. g. anfinudd, anftniikyty&.

o. In combination with yi go, the prefixes parS, pari, and pra
sometimes change their r to 1. In this way is formed a kind of derivative
Btem pal&y^e«, inflected according to the a-class, in middle voice, which
is not uncommon from the Brahmanas down, and has so lost the con-
sciousness of its origin that it sometimes takes the augment prefixed: thus,
apalftyl9t^&8 (9^8.), apalftyata (B.), apalftyanta (MBb.); it makes

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1067—] XV. Perirhrastic and Cohpound GoNJuaATiON. 4O0

the periphrastio perfect palftyfiih oakre. The stem palyay, aimlUdr
inflected, ocean only In one or two texts ((B. JB. JUB.); and plfiy kaf
been fonnd nowhere except in MS. Alto the imperfect nflftyata (TS. TBu*
not Beparated in the pada-text) and perfect nilayaih oakre (9^-) aie
douhilesa a conespondiDg formation from |/i with nia, though nearly akin
in form and meaning with forms from yli-{-Xii* So also pari becomes
pall in the combination palyafig (QB. Qt^^O) ^bethex viewed as a deiu)^-
inative formation or as /afig + pari. And MS. has once pl&^&rayan
(iii. 10. 2 J in an etymology).

gL The root "kf make sometimes assumes (or retains from a more
original condition) an initial s after the prefixes sam, pari* nis, and npa:
thus, saxhskiirutey samaakurvan, saiiiskrtay etc.; pari^kp^iranti,
pari^kfta, etc.; nfr ask^ta; upask^ta. And yk^ seaUer is said by
the grammarians to add 8 in the same manner, under certain circumstances,
after apa and prati (only apaakiramajjia, pratioaskare, both l^te, are

e. The passive participle of the roots dft give and d& cut has oft^
the abbreviated form tta after a prefix — of which the final vowel, if i. Is
lengthened (compare 955 f, and the derivative in ti, below, 1157o).

f. In a few sporadic cases, the augment is taken before a pr«flx,
instead of between it and the root: tiius, ava^a^kftr^it (GB.); udi^sni-
patat (AB.); anvasaihoarat, pratyasaihharat, pratyavy&hat, anv-
avIk^etSm, apr&ifit, aaambhramat (MBh.); abhyanimantrayat
(Har.); vyftvasthftpi (SDS.) ; compare also the forms from palfty, above, o.
And AB. has once niniyoja (for niynyoja, as read in the corresponding
passage of 9?*^*)* Some of the apparent roots of the language have been
suspected of being results of a similar unification of root and prefix: e. g.
ftp from ft H- ap, vyao from vi + ao, tyaj from ati + ^i>

g. The loss of the initial a of sthft and Btambh after the prefix
ud has been noticed above (233o). Also (187a, c), certain peculiarities
of combination of a prefix with the initial '^owel of a root.

1088. As to the more general adverbial uses of the prefixes,
and their prepositional uses, see the next chapter.

1089. As to the combination of the particles a or an privative, dna
ill, and 8U tcell^ with verb-forms, see 1121b, g, i. As to the addition of
the comparative and superlative suffixes tarfim and tamfiaoi to verbs, see
above, 473 o.

Other Verbal Compounds.

1090. It has been seen above that some of the prepositioaal
prefixes are employed in combination with only very smi^ daswa
of roots, namely those whose meaning makes them best fitted for
auxiliary and periphrastio uses — such as k^ make^ bhfi and as he,
dhft put, i go^ and that the first of these are widely iisi»d in oom*

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401 Verbal Compounds. [—1093

bination with a deriyative in im to make a periphrastic conjugation.
Such roots have also been, from the earliest period of the language,
bat with increasing frequency, used in somewhat analogous combi-
nations with other elements, substantive and adjective as well as
adverbial; and this has become, in part, developed finally into a
regular and indefinitely extensible mothod of increasing the resources

Online LibraryWilliam Dwight WhitneyA Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana → online text (page 41 of 59)