William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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of verbal expression.

1091. a. The older Ungual has a number of (mostly) redoplieatiTe
onomatopoetic compounds with roots kf and bhti, the prefixed element end-
ing in a or 1 (generally the former): thus, in RY., akkhallkftya croak-
ing, jafijanftbh&vant flimmering, alalftbfa&vant makmg merry , Idldrt
Iq^u tear; in AV., ma^ma^i Icaram / hope crttehed; in VS., mas-
masa .(also TS.; MS. mrsmrst) kuru; in TS., malmalftbhiyant ; in K.,
manmaiabhayant, kikkitftkfira; in MS., bibibftbh&yant, bharbhart
'bhavat; in AB., bababfikurvant. The accentuation, where shown, is
like that of a verb-form with accompanying prefix.

b. Farther, combinations with ylqp of utterances used at the sacrifice,
and mostly ending in ft: thus, svihS, svadha, 8vag&; also v&iaf. In
these, too, the accentuation is generally that of a verb with prefix: e. g.
8va«^ftkar6ti (gB.; but svadlia kar6ti [?] TA.), va^th^uryat (MS.);
and, with another prefix, anuv&^atkaroti (9^.).

c. An instance or two also occur of ordinary words in such combi-
nations, put in corresponding form: thus, gula kuryftt (9B.) mag roast
on a pit (Qtila); aiq^Skartos (AB.)- of getting clear of debt; ftikyft-
bhftvayant (A A.) uniting.

1092. a. The noun namas obeisance, homage, in a still more purely
Boun-valae, becomes combined with j/kf : in the Yeda, only with the gerund,
in namaskftya (beside hastag^hya and kangLagfhya: above, 990 b).

b. A solitary combination with yi go is shown by the accusative iuB'
tarn home; which, appearing only in ordinary phrases in RV., is in AY.
compounded with the participles — in astaihy&nty astamefy&nt, &8ta-
mita (with accent like that of ordinary compounds with a prefix) — and
in the Brahmanas and the later language is treated quite like a prefix:
thus, astam^ti (()B.).

c. Other ordinary accusative forms of adjectives in combination with
verbal derivatives of kf and bhu are found here and there in the older
language: thus, ^^aiiikftya and nagnaiiikftya (TS.); nagnambhaTuka,
pftman ambhavuka etc. (TS. et al.)j &narufkareti (9B.).

1098. In the early but not in the earliest language, a noun-
stem thus compounded with kf or bhU (and very rarely with as),
in verbal nouns and ordinary derivatives, and then also in verbal
forms, begins to assume a constant ending i (of doubtful origin).

a. There is no instance of this in RY., unless the i of akkhalikftya
(above, 1091 a) is to be so explained. In AY., besides the obscure
Whitney, OraiBmar. 8. ed. 26



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1093—] XV. Pebiphrastic and Compound Conjugation. 402

vfttikfta and vftt^&r&y is found only phalXk&rai^. In the Brahmapt
language, examples begin to occur more often: thus, in TS., fyetX« mith-
imi, mufti; in TB., further, phali, krurl, udvftsi; in ^B., besidei
some of these, also eki, kfilvSli, tivrl, daridri, brfthma]^ tttit-HwuT,
Bvi; and a^vftbhidhSnl, of which (as of muffi) the i might be that of
an ordinary grammatical form; in* K., dvf ; in GB., prava^I; in 8B^
vi^ri; in AB., mati (from matya). From Upanlshad and Sutra are te
be added dv&iti (MU.), sami (KgS.], navi and ka9ali (AGS.)- The
accent is in general like that of the similar combinations treated above (1091):
e. g. krurikurv&nti, svikftya, br&hma^Ibhdya, mithunibh&vantyfto.
phalikartavSi» krOrikfta; but sometimes a mere collocation takes place:
thus, mithuni bh&vantis (TS.), phall kriy&m&^^&nftm (Tfi.j, mjA
bhutva (TA.). The I is Tarioosly treated: now as an uncombinable final,
as in 9yeti akuruta and mithuni abhavan (TS.) ; now as liable to the
ordinary couTersions, as in mithusy enayft syftm, mithuny abhi^
syftm, and svykkurvata ((B.).

b. Out of such beginnings has grown in the later language. the follow-
ing rule:

1094. Any noun oi adjective stem is liable to be com-
pounded with veibal forms or derivatives of the roots ^
kr and H bhfl (and of SIH as also; but such oases are ex-
tremely rare), in the manner of a verbal prefix. If the
final of the stem be an a- or i-vowel, it is changed to ^ I;
if an u-\owel, it is changed to 3" tl.

a. Mamples are: stambhlbhavati becomes a post; ekaoittibliuya
becomingof one mind\ upahftrlkaro^i thou makest an offering; nakhaiyra-
hari^arjankf ta torn to pieces toUh blows of the claws ; fithilibhAvanti
become loose; ku^<}allk^a ring-shaped; surabhikfta made J^ragrant;
ftdhikaraija pawning; fjuk^tya straightening; hetukara^a tajkng as
cause. As in the case of the denominatiyes (1069 c), the combinations
with a-stems are the immense migority, and occur abundantly (hardly less
than a thousand are quotable) in the later language, but for the most part
only dnce or twice each ; those made with i- and u-stems are a very small
number. In a few instances, stems in an and as, with those finals
changed to i, are met with: e. g. fttmi-k^y yuvi-bhQ; unmanik|',
amani-bhu; final ya >fier a consonant is contracted to I: e. g. k&ft^-kf ;
and anomalous cases like kfiihdi9i-bhQ occur. Final ^ is said to become
ri, but no examples are quotable. The oombinations with kf are about
twice as frequent as those with bhfi, and examples with as do not appear
to have been brought to light.

b. Similar combinations are occasionally made with elements of ques-
tionable or altogether obscure character: e. g. urarl-k^, uri-k|p.

' o. Examples are not altogether wanting in the later language of ft as



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403 Noun- and Adjectivb-oompounds. [—1098

final of the oompounded noan-ftem (cf. 1091): thus, duhkhA-kf*, ni^kulft-
kf, 9amb&-kr, and one or two others.

1096. Of all the forms which constitate or are attached to the
verbal system, the passiye participle is the one most closely assimi-
lated in its treatment as a combinable element to an ordinary adjective.
Next to it come the gerund and the gerundives. Combinations of the
kind above treated of are qaite common with passive participles and
gerunds.



CHAPTER XVI.



INDECLINABLES.

1006. Th£ indeclinable words are less distinctly divided
into separate parts of speech in Sanskrit than is usual
elsewhere in Indo-European language — especially owing
to the fact that the class of prepositions hardly has a real
existence, but is represented by certain adverbial words
which are to a greater or less extent used prepositionally.
They will, however, be briefly described here under the
usual heads.

Adverbs.

1097. Adverbs by suffix. Classes of adverbs, some-
times of considerable extent, are formed by the addition
of adverb-making suffixes especially to pronominal roots or
stems, but also to noun and adjective stems.

a. There is no ultimate difference between snch snfflxes and the case-
endings in declension; and the adverbs of this division Bometimes are nsed
in the manner of cases.

1088. With the suffix tas are inade adverbs having an ablative
sense, and not rarely also an ablative construction. Such are made:

a. From pronominal roots, in &taB, lt&8, t&ta8» y&tae, kiitas,
amutaSy svataa (not found earlier); from the pronominal stems in t or

26*



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109a—] XVI. iMDEOLINABLBfi. 404

d (494) of th« peisontl prononns: thus, matt&s (only example in T.).
tvattas, asmattas, yu^mattas ; and ftom pronominal derivatiTefl: ibu,
itar&tas, katar&taa. '

b. From noon and adjective stems of eyery class, since the earliest
period, but more freely later: e. g. muUiat&B, agratda, ^hut&s, fktiiB,
hrtt&8» 9lr9at&8, janmatas, naat&s, yajuffaa* pftr4ta8, anyitaa,
ansratar&tas, Barv&tas, dak^i^atis, abhipat&s (once, in BY., from •
case-form: patBUt&s).

o. From a few prepositions: thus, abhftas, paiitaa, intitaa.

d. Examples of ablative constroction are: &to bhftyah (RY.) more
than that; t&tal^ fa^thit (AY.) fi-om that sixth; &to *nytea (gB.) witk
any other than this; sarvato bhayftt (AGS.) from aU fear; kuta^ old
de^ftd agatya (H.) arriving from some region or other; purftd ita^ (2L)
from this city; tasmat pretakftyatahi (KSS.) from that dead body,

e. Bnt the distinctive ablative meaning is not infrequently effaced, and
the adverb has a more general, especially a locative, valne: thos, agrat&s
in front; asmatBamlpatas in our presence; dharmataa in aecord4mee
with duty; ohfigataa (H.) with reference to the goat; gui^to *dliikah
(M.) superior in virtue.

1099. With the suffix tra (in the older language often trft) are
\y made adverbs haying a locative sense, and occasionally also a loca-
tive construction.

a. These adverbs are very few, compared with those in taa. The;
are formed chiefly f^om pronominal stems, and from other stems having a
qaasi-pronominal character: namely, in tra» itra, t&tra, sr&tra, k&tra,
amAtra, aay&tra, vl9v&tra, aarv&tra, ubhay&tm* aparatra, tittara-
tra, itar&tra, anyataratra, pOnralfra, paratra, sam&n&tra, ekatra,
anekatra, ekfiikatra; in trS» aamatra, satra, purutr^ bahutra,
dak^ii^trcL' But a few in trft come ftom ordinary nouns: thus, deva-
tr^ martyatra, puru^atri, inanxi9yatra» pfikatra, ^ayutri, knru-
paficftlatrt. Those in tra are distinguished flrom the others by their
accent

b. Examples of locative construction are: h&ata i dakfli^atra (RY.)
in the right hand; y&tra 'dhi (RY.) in which; ekatra porofe (HBh.)
m a single man; atra mftrfttmake (H.) in this murderous erealm^;
prabhutvaih tatra yujyate (H.) sovereignty befits him. And, as the
locative case is nsed also to express the goal of motion (304), so the ad-
verbs in tra have sometimes an accusative as well as a locative value:
thus, tatra gaooha go there or thither; path6 devatra y&iftn (BY.)
roads that go to the gods.

1100. One or two other suffixes of locality are:

a. ha, in ih& here^ ktiha where f and the Yedic viQv&lMi (alsovi^-
v&hft, vi^viihft) ahdays (compare below, 1 104 b) ; and ih4 (Uke &tra etc :



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405 A D VERBS BY DERIVATION. [•— 1 1 02

1098b) is fometimefl used with locatiye-case Talae: e. g. iha samaye
(H.) at this conjuncture. •

b. tfit» wUcb is added to words hsTing tliesdy a local or diiectiye
valno: thus, to adTerbial accnsatiToe, pr&t&t, udakt&t» tavattftt; to
adTerMal ablatiyes, ftrattftt» attar&tt&t» parfikittftt; and to prepositional
adverbs, pa9oit&t» adh&8t6t» av&8t6t» par&8tftt» puriatftt* bahi^t&t.
Apparently by analogy with these last, the suffix has the form stftt $n
up^hri^t&t (and BhP. has ndastftt).

c. hit in uttarahi ((B.) and dak^ii^fthi (not quotable).

1101. By the suffix thft are made adverbs of manner, especially
from pronominal roots or stems.

a. Thus, t&tha» y&th&; kathi and ittha (by the side of which stand
katbftm ^id ittbAm; and gB. has itth^t); and the rare im&thft and

amuthft. And itiia (Y. often &thft) so then doubtless belongs with them. ^ vt^,^.

Further, tiom a few adjectiye and noun stems, mostly of quasi-pronominal -^**- ^if\
cbaraeter : thus, vi^vfttha, 8arv&tliS» aay^tha, ubhay&thft, aparathS»
itar&th&, yatar&thSy yatam&tlift, katarathfi^ katamathfi, purv&th&,
pratn&thft, urdhv&thS, tira90&tha, ekathft (JB.), ^uth^ nam&thft
(once, AV.]; and ev&thft.

b. YAtiift becomes. usually toneless in Y., when used in the sense of
iva after a noun forming the subject of comparison: thus, tfty&vo yathft
(RV.) like thieves.

1102. One or two other suffixes of manner are:

a. ti, in iU thus, very commonly nsed, from the earliest period,
especially as particle of quotation, following the words quoted.

b. Examples are: brahmajfiyd *ykm Iti c6d &vocan (RV.) if they
have said ^this is a Brahman's wife"; tkAi deva abravan vritysk kixh
nu ti^thasl 'ti (AY.) the gods said to him: ^ Vratya, why do you standt"
Often, the iti is used more pregnantly: thus, jiJ^ 9radd4dli&ti B&nti
deva {ti (AY.) whoever has faith that the gods exist; tadi vyftghraih
munir mn^iko 'yarn iti pa^yati (H.) the sage looks upon that tiger as
being really a mouse; yuysoh kim iti aidatha (H.) why (lit. alleging
what reason) do you sitf

0. But iti is sometimes used in a less specialized way, to mark an
onomatopoeia, or to indicate a gesture: e. g. bahf^ (e astu bal iti (AY.)
let it come out of you with a splashy Ity igre Iq^ty &th6 'ti ((B.)
?ie ploughs first this way, then this way ; or it points forward to something
to be said: e. g. yan nv ity Shur anyftni chanda&si varflyfi&si kas-
mad bfbaty uoyata iti (PB.) when now they say thus: ^^the other
metres are greater; why is the b^hati spoken f" It also makes a number
of deriyatlyes and compounds: e. g. ititha the so'-many-'eth; itivat in this
fashion; ityarthKm for this purpose; itibftsa a story or legend (lit. thus
forsooth it was). As to the use of a nominatiye with iti as predicate to
an accusatiye, see 268 b.



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110»— ] XVI. Indeclinablbs. 406

d. With the suffix of {ti is to be compared that of t&ti etc. (619). TW
word is abbreviated to ti two or three times In-QB.

e. va in iva (toneless) /tX^, tu^ and ev& (in V. often ev&% eariis
thuSj later a particle emphasizing the preceding word ; for thus is used Utn
the related ev&m, which hardly occurs in RV., and in AY. only witli ynd
as, ev&iii vidv&L knowing thus.

f. In later Yedic (AV. etc., and the later parts of RV.) ivm more oflea
counts for only a single syllable, Va.

11 08. a. By the saffix dft are made adverbs of time, bnt almost
only from pronominal roots.

b. Thus, tadi, yada, kada (in RY. also k&d&), Ida (only In Y.); !
and 8&d&, beside which is found earlier s&dam. Besides these, in tk€ I
older language, only aarvadi; later a few others, anyadft, ekadfi, nit- '
yadft. A quasi-locatiTe case use is seen occasionally in such pbrases ai
kadftoid divase (R.) on a certain day,

o. By the perhaps related dftnun are made Idanim, tad&i&ii,
vi9vad&iim, tvadfinim (toneless). VlQvad&ii occurs as a^jectiTe in TB.

d. With rhi are made, from pronominal roots, t&rhi* et&rlii» y&rhl,
k&rhl, amurhi.

e. The suffix di, found only in y&di (f, is perhaps related with dft,
in form as in meaning. Sadadi (MS.) is of doubtful character.

1104. By the suffix dhS are formed adverbs especially from
numerals, signifying -fold, timesj toays^ etc.

a. Thus, ekadha, dvidha (also dvldbft and dvedhi), trfdhft
(in the the older language usually tredba), 9a4<Jba (also ^Oijihi and ^a^-
dbS), dv&da^adha* ekftnnaviii^atidh^ aabaaradha, and so on. Also,
naturally, from words haying a quasi-numeral character: thus, anekadhft,
katidha tatidha, bahudha, purudba, vlQv&dhft, Qa^vadha,
aparimitadbft, yftvaddha, etftvaddha, mfisadbft. In a very few cases,
also ftom general noun and adJectiTo stems: thus, mitradhtL (AY.),
priyadh^ (TS. ; predha, MS.), fjudhd (TB.), urudhft and oitradhft
(BhP.); and from one adverb, bahirdh^

b. The particle idha or &dbfi, a Yedic equivalent of &tha, probably
belongs here (parudli& and vl^&dha, with shortened final, occur a few
times in RY.); also addha in truth\ and perhaps sahd fi^ii^, which has
an equivalent sadba- in several Yedic compounds. And the oUier adverbs
in ha (1100 a) may be of like origin.

1105. From a few numerals are made mnltiplicative adverbs with s:
namely, dvla* trla, and oati^ (probablyi for oat&ra): 489 a.

a. The corresponding word for onoe^ aakft, is a compound rather
than a derivative; and the same character belongs still more evidently to
pafioakftvaa, navakftvae, aparimitakftvas, etc., though k^t and
k^^tvaa are regarded by the native grammarians as suffixes; Uie earlier



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407 Adverbs by Derivation. [—1109

«exts (AV. 9B. MS.) have 8apt& kftvas, d&^a kftvas, dvida^a kf tvas,
ct^^av ev& kftvas, etc. AB. hta the redundant combination tri^ kftval^.

b. The qnasi-snfflx dyuB, from a case-form of div <fay, is in a*
siooilar manner added to rarions determining words, generally made to end
la e : e. g. anyedyus another day, ubhayedyixs (AY. -yadjnu) <m either
day, ptLrvedy&8 the day before.

1106. By the suffix qks are made, especially from numeral or
quantitative stems, many adverbs of quantity or measure or manner,
generally used distributively.

a. Examples are: eka9&8 one by one, ^ata^&s by hundreds, ^ptu^&s
season by season, paoohaa foot by foot, ak^ara^&s syllable by syllable,
Saaa^&s in crowds, 8tamba9&B by bunches, paru^Q&s lifnb by limb,
tftvaCoh&B in such and such number or quantity: and, in a more general
way, sarva^ds wholly, makhya9a8 principcdly, Iqfohra^as stingily,
manina^&a as minded,

1 107. By the suffix v&t are made with great freedom, in every
period of the language, adverbs signifying after the manner of, like, etc.

a. Thns, aagiraav&t like Angiras, manu^v&t (RV.) as Manu did,
jamadasniv&t aper the manner of Jamadagni, ptUrvav&t or pratnav&t
or purft^av&t as of old, k&katftliyavat after the fashion of the crow
and the pakn-fruit,

b. This is really the adverbially used accnsative (with adverbial shift
of accent: below, 1111 g) of the snfflx vant (1238 f), which in the Veda
makes certain adjective compounds of a similar meaning: thus, tviivant
like thee, mivant of my sort, etc.

1108. By the snfflx Bftt are made from nonns qnasl-ad verbs signify-
ing in or into the condition or the posse sion of what is indicated by the
nonn; they are used only with verbs of being, of becoming, and of making:
namely, oftenest k^ and bhQ, bnt also as, gam» yft» and nl (and, accord-
ing to the grammarians, aam-pad). Some twenty-five examples are quo-
table from the later literatare; bnt none from the earlier, which also
appears to contain nothing that casts light npon the origin of this formation.
The 8 of Bftt is not liable to conversion into 9. The connection with the
v^rb is not so close as to require the use of the gerund in ya instead of
that in tvft (990); and other words are sometimes interposed between the
adverb and verb.

a. Examples are: Barvakarmft]^ bhasmaeftt kurute (MBh.) reduces
all deeds to ashes; loko *yaih dasyusftd' bhaved (MBh.) this world
would become a prey to barbarians ; yassra brfthmai^as&t sarvaih vittam
ftsit (MBh.) whose whole property t&tu given to Brahmans ; niyataih bhas-
masftd y&ti (Har.) it is inevitably\educed to ashes; agi^n fttmas&t
kftvft (Y.) having taken the fires. to ^'s self.

1109. a. Suffixes, not of noun-derivation or of inflection, may be
traced with more or less plausibility in a few other adverbs. Thus, for



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1109—] XVI. Indeclinablbs. 408

example, in pr&t&r early ^ and sannt&r away; in dakyiiyft with right hm^

and oikitvit toith consideraUon ; in n&i&m now^ and xiftnftn4in varunMf.

9at the casei are in the main too lare and donbtfol to be word notice bere.

b. In the epici begin to be found a small class (about a dozen are
qnotable) of adverbs having the form of a repeated nonn-etem with its list
oconrrence ending in & and its second in i: e. g. hastfthasti hand U
hand, rathftrathi chariot agaimi chariot, kar^ftkar^i ear to ear.

o. The adverbs, thus far describBd are almost neyer used pre-
positionally. Those of the next division, however, are in many in-
stances so used.

1110. Case-foims used as Adveibs. A large num-
ber of adverbs are more or less evidently cases in form,
made from stems which are not otherwise in use. Also
many cases of known stems, pronominal or noun or adject-
ive, are used with an adverbial value, being distinguished
horn proper cases by some difference of application, which
is sometimes accompanied by an irregularity of form.

1111. The accusative is the case most frequently and widely
used adverbially. Thus;

a. Of pronominal stems : as, y&d if, when, that, etc ; t4d then, etc ;
kim why, whether, etc.; id&m now, here; ad&8 yonder; and so on. Of
like valuCf apparently, are the (mostly Vedlo) particles k&d, k&m and
kam(P)» {d, old (common at every period), sm&d and sumid, Im and
aim (by some regarded as still possessing prononn-value), -kim. Com-
pounds with Id are o^d if, n6d lest, 6d, Bvid» knvld; with oid, k6oid;
with -klm» n&kim and makim« and akim.

b. Of noun-stems: as, n&na by name; stikham happily; ^tim^m
at will, if you please; nEktam by night; r&has secretly; o^&m quiekfy
(v.); and so on.

c. Of adjective stems, in unlimited numbers: as, saty&m truly;
cir&m long; pllrvam formerly; nltyam constantly; bhAyas mom,
again; vi9rabdham con^fidently; prakft^am openly; and so on.

d. The neuter singula/ is the case commonly employed in this way;
and it is so used especially as made firom great numbers of compound ad-
jective stems, often from such as hardly occur, or are not at all found, in
adjective use. Gertain of these adverbial compounds, having an indecli-
nable as prior member, are made by the Hindu grammarians a special clsss
of compounds, caUed avyayibh&va (1318).

e. But the feminine singular also is sometimes used, especially in
the so-called adverbial endings of comparison, tarSm and tamSm, which
are attached to particles (cf. 1119), and even (478 o) to verb-formi:



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409 Case-forms as Adverbs. [—1112

e. g, natarim, kathaihtarfim, aooai8tar^» ^anftlBtarftm, Jyokta*
xnMm. In the oldest language (RY. and AY.), the neater instead of the
feminine form of thete safflxes is almost alone in use: se 1118.

f. Many adverbs of obsonre form or oonneetion are to be explained with
probability as accnsatlTos of obsolete nonn or adjective stems: examples are
tn^i^Xm in silence; sfiy&m at evening; sfik&m ihogether^ with Cprep.);
&CB3D, or &lain sufjicient (in the later language used with ]/kf in the manner
of a prefix: 1078 a); prfiyas ueuaUy; i^&t ewnewhai; ainn&a unex-
pectedly; bahis outside; mfthu and mithAa, m^n and mahu8» Jttu,
and so on. Madrik etc., and nii^ (in RY.), are perhaps contracted
forms of adjectives having y^ao or afto as their final (407 if.). The pres-
ence of other roots as final members is also probable for n^&dhak, ftnu-
9&k and ftytmi^ anxi^thA and sxi^tha, yiigap&t» etc. Compare also
the forms in am beside those in ft, above, 1101a, llOSe, 1108 b.

g. In (Yedic) drav&t quickly is to be seen a change of aooent for
the adverbial nse (pple drdvant running); and drahy&t etoutly (RY.,
once) may be another example. The comparative a|id superlative suffixes
(above, e) shoir a like change; and it is also to be recognised in the deriv-
atives with v&t (1107).

1112. The instrumental is also often used with adverbial
value: generally in the singular, but sometimes also in the plural.
Thus:

a. Of pronominal stems: as, ena and ayt» Uyft» ani, am^ amnya.

b. Of noun-stems: as, Iqai^ena instantly; a9e9e9a completely;
-viije^ei^ especially; divAby day; 6i^%jh fortunately; MimBiL suddenly;
aktubhia by night; and so on.

0. Of adjectives, both neuter (not distinguishable from masculine) and
feminine: as, akhllena wholly; prftych^ mostly; d&k^lnena to the south -^
uttarei^ to the north; intarei^ within; drdi^ long; — ^inftis and
9&nakai8 slowly; uocftis on high; nioftlB below; parfto&b afar;
tdvi^^bhie mightily; and so on.

d. More doubtful cases, mostly from tiie older language, may be in-
stanced as follows : tira9oitfi9 der&tft, bSh^tft, and sasv&rtft (all RY.),
homonymous instmmentals from nouns in tft; dvit^ tftditnft, Irm^
mrfi» vfthft, 8&0&, a8thi(P), mudhft (not Y.), adhona (B. and later).

6. Adverbially used instrumentals are (in the older language), oftener
than any other case, distinguished from normal instrumentals by difTerences
of form: thus, especially, by an irregular accent: as, am^ and dfvft
(giTen above); perhaps gohft; apftlLa, ftsay^ Iraliayi(P); naktay^
svapnay^ eamana; adatraya, ftaji^ nbhay^ 8iimnayi(P); dak-
9li^ madhya; nio^ prftea» ucct, pa^oa, tira9clt; vas&ntft; — in
a few u-stems, by a y inserted before the ending, which is accented : thus,
amuyi (givm above), ft^nya, sftdhuyf^ raghny^ dhrfi^iiy^i aniu}-



Digitized by VjOOQ iC



1112—] XVI. Indbolinablbs. 410

(hnyi, mithnya; — and nrvisri (for urvji) and vf^vyB (properlf
vi^vayft) are more slightly irregnlar.

1113. The dative has only very seldom an adverbial use.

a. Examples are aparaya /or <A6 /ti^tir^ (RV.: irltb changed mccent):



Online LibraryWilliam Dwight WhitneyA Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana → online text (page 42 of 59)