William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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oirfiya long; arthftya far the sake of\ ahnftya presenify,

1114. The ablative is not infrequently nsed adverbially.

a. Of pronominal stems: as, k&smftt whyt akaam&t easualfy, un-
expeeiedly\ it^ titt, ykt (V. : normal forms, instead of the pronominal
asmftt eto.).

b. Of nonn-stems: as, fiatt near\ firitt afar\ bal&t /orct^fy; kut€l-
halSt emuhu$Jy\ aakft^ftt on ike part of,

c. Oftenest, of adjectiTe stems: as, duratq/Vxr; nioit 6eAnr; paQC&
behind] B^!k^it plainly^ actwiUy\ i^^unSkOXX^t completely; wArikt not Umg \
pratyakfatam&t (AB.) moet obviously; pratyantftt (S.) to ths end,

d. In a few instances, adyerbially nsed ablatives likewise show a
changed accent in the early language: thus, ap&kit ^om afar; amityVom
near by; Baxtit from of old (but instr. 8&n&); uttBTtt from the norA:
adharat below.

1115. The genitive is almost never used adverbially.

a. In the older language occur akt68 by nighty and v&stos by d4ty\
later, cirasya long,

1116. The locative la sometimes used with adverbial value.

a. From nonn and adjeetlTO stems: 8k6 near; ftr6 and dtM a/ort
abhisvar^ behind; astamik^ at home; ^ without (prep.); ^igre inftomi;
Bthftne suitably; sapadi immediately; -arthe and 'Inpte (common in eom-
position) for the sake of; aparlfu in after time; ftdftn first; rahasi
in secret,

1117. Even a nominatiTe form appears to be stereotyped into an ad-
Terbial value in (Yedic) Ida, interrogatire particle, and its compounds
n&kis and mikis, negative particles. And masc. nominatlTes f^m afto-
stems (as pfirfiii AB., nyafi Apast) are sometimes found used by tob-
stitution for neuter^.

1118. Verbal Prefixes and kindred words. The
verbal prefixes, described in the preceding chapter (1076 ff ),
are properly adverbs, having a special office and mode of
use in connection with verbal roots and their more imme-
diate derivatives.

a. Their occasional looser connection with the verb has been
noticed above (1084). In the value of general adverbs, however.

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.411 Adverbial Prefixes. [—1121

they only rarely occur (except as &pl has mainly changed its office
from prefix to adverb or conjunction in the later language); but their
prepositional uses are much more frequent and important: see below,
1125 b.

b. In composition with nouns, they (like other adverbial elemeDts) not
infrequently have an adjective value: see below, 1281 ff., 1305.

1119. Several of the prefixes (as noticed above, 473-4) form com-
parative and superlative adjectives, by the suffixes tara and tama, or ra
and ma: thus, uttara and uttam&, &dliara and adhamA, &para and
apam&, &vara and avami, upara and apam&, and prathami is
doubtless of the same character; also, &ntara and dntama. And accusa-
tives of such derivative adjectives (for the most part not otherwise found in
use) have the value of comparatives, and rarely superlatives, to the prefixes
themselves: thus, s&iiiQitaifa oit saiiitar&ih skAt qiqWdhi (AY.) whatever
tf quickened do thou atili fitrther quicken; vltar&iii vi kramasva (RY.)
stride out yet more widely; pr& t&iii naya pratariih vkayo &cha (RY.)
lead him forward still further toward advantage; iid enam nttar&ih
naya (AY.) lead him up still higher.

a. Besides those instanced, are found also nitar&m, apatar&m, abhi-
tar&m, avatar&m» pcu^tar&m, paraatar&m. In the BrShmanas and
later (ahove, 1 1 1 1 e), the feminine aoeusative is used instead : thus, ati-
tar&n and atitamftm, abhitaritm* anutamam, fttamam, pratitar&n,
nitardm, uttar&n» pratar&n and pratam^, vitaram, saifatarain
(also RY., once).

1120. Kindred in origin and character with the verbal pre-
fixes, and used like them except in composition with verbs, are a
few other adverbs: thus, av&s down; adh&a below (and adhaataram);
par&8 far off (and parastartm); para before; antard (apparently,
ant&r+£) among^ between; toti near; up&ri ahove; and 8ali& (already
mentioned, 1104 b) along ^ with^ and s&oft together, with, may be noticed
with them. Vina without, and vi^u- apart, appear to be related
with vi.

1121. Inseparable Prefixes. A small number of
adverbial prefixes are found only in combination with other
elements. Thus:

a. The negative prefix a or an — an before vowels, a before

b. It is combined especially with innumerable nouns and adjectives;
much more rarely, vrith adverbs, as akutra and &pnnar (RY.), &neva
(AY.), &nadha8 (TB.), akasmftt* asak^t; in rare cases, also with pro-
nouns (as atady akiifaoit) ; snd even, in the later language, now and then
with verbs, as asprhayanti (BhP. gic.) they do not desire, alokayati
(SD.) he does not view. Now and and then it is prefixed to itself: e. g.
anakfimamfira, anaviprayukta, anaTadya(P).

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1121—] XVI. lKt>ECLINABLE8. 412

o. In a Tery few cmob, the negatiTo a eppeen to be made loof :
thiu, a8»t n&n-extaieni, ^eva godUss, irftti m^emjf^ ft9fttioa impmrit^.
itnra iUC?).

d. The independent negatlTe adverbs, n4 and mi, are only in ex-
ceptional instances nsed in composition: see below, 1122 e.

e. The comitative prefix sa, used instead of the preposition earn,
l^nd interchangeably with aahi, before nouns and adjectives.

f. The prefix of dispr a i s o dai iUy ftod^^Iidentical^wijJi.. V^^
226 a).

g. It is combined in the same manner as a or an. Of combinatioaf
with a yerbal form, at least a single example appears to be qtiotable:
du^oaranti (R.) behave ill.

h. The corresponding laudatory prefix an weU is in general to
closely accordant in its use with the preceding that it is beat mei-
tioned here, though it occurs not rarely as an independent partick
in the oldest language (in RV., more than two hundred times ; in the
peculiar parts of AV., only fourteen times), and even occasionally

i. The particle an sometimes appears in B. and later before a verV-
form, and considering its rapid loss of independent use in Y., and tke
analogy of a and dus (above, b» g) it is probably at least in part to be
regarded, as in composition with the verb. The pada-text of AY. xtx. 49.
10 reads aa-&pftyati, bnt its testimony is of little or no valne. K. has
na an viJIiSyete and na vfti au vidoh, and KeU. has su veda; TB.
has 8U8&mbodli&yati(P); MBh. and BhP. have sfipatasthe; B. has su-

J. The exclamatory and usually depreciative prefixed forma of the
interrogative pronoun ((M)6) are most analogous with the inseparable

1122. Miscellaneous Adv.erbs. Other words of ad-
verbial character and office, not clearly referable to any of
the classes hitherto treated, may be mentioned as follows:

a. Asseverative particles (in part, only in the older language^':
thus, afig&, h4nta» kila, kh&lu, td (rare in older language), vfti, wivi
(in Brahmana language only), hl» liin&, u, iiha, ha, gha, SAmaha,
ama, bhala.

b. Of these, h&nta is a word of assent and Incitement; hi has won
also an illative meaning, and aecents the verb with which it stands in
connection (696 e); ama sometimes appears to give a past meaning to s
present tense (778 b) ; u is often combined with the final a of other par-
ticles: thus, &tho, n6, m6, nt6, upo, pro; bnt also with that of v«ib-
forms, as datt6, vidm6. The flnal o thus produced is prag^^iya or in-
combinable (138 o). Particles of kindred value, already meottoaed abevt.

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413 Adverbs. [—1122

are {d, k&m or kam, dd, j£tu, ev&. Some of the asfteyeratiYe particles
are much used in the later artificial poetry with a purely expletiye value,
as deVlees to help make out the metre (pftdap^a^a verse-JUlert); so
especially ha, hi, tj^sma.

c. Negative particles are: n&, signifying simple negation; ma,
signifying prohibition.

d. As to the eonstmction of the yerb with m^ see ahove, 679. In
the Veda, nu (or nA: 248 a) has also sometimes a negative meaning. For
the Yedic n4 of comparison, see below, g, h.

6. In nahf, n& is combined with hi, both elements retaining their
full meaning; also with fcL In ndd lesi. It Is perhaps present in nanu
and oand, but not in hin& (RV., once). In general, neither n& nor m^
is used In composition to malte negative compounds, but, instead, the in-
separable negative prefix a or an (1122 a): exceptions are the Yedic par-
ticles n&ldB and makis, n&kim and m&kim; also naoiram and mft-
ciram, napiuhoaka, and, in the later language, a namber of others.

f. Interrogative particles are only those already given: k&d, kim,
kuvid, svld^ nana, of which the last introdoces an objection or ex-

g. Of particles of comparison have been mentioned the toneless
iva, and yathft (also toneless when used in the same way). Of fre-
quent occnrrence in the oldest language is also n&, having (without
loss of accent) the same position and value as the preceding.

h. Examples of the n& of comparison are : ^ i^dvi^a i^uih n& Bfjata
dvi^am (RV.) let loose your enmity like an arrow at the enemy of the
singer; v&yo n& vfk^&m (AY.) as birds to the tree; gftar6 n& tfifiM^
piba (RY.) drink like a thirsty buffalo. This use is generally explained
as being a modification or adaptation of the negative one: thus, [although,
to be sure] not [precisely] a thirsty buffalo; and so on.

i. Of particles of place, besides those abready mentioned, may be
noticed kvli where f (in Y., always to be read kiia).

j. Particles of time are: nil now (also nil: nun&m was mentioned
above, 1109 a), ady& and sady&s and sadlvas (BY., once) today ^
at once (all held to contain the element div or dyu), hy&s yesterday ^
qviM tomorrow y jy6k (also related with dyu) long; punar again.

k. Of particles of manner, besides those abready mentioned, may
be noticed nanft variously (for nBnftn&m, its derivative, see 1^8 a);
aaav&r (BY.) secretly,

L In the above classlflcationB are included all the Yedio adverbial
words, and most of those of the later language: for the rest, see the die-

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1123—] XVI. bJDBCUNABLBS. 414


1123. There is, as already stated, no proper class of
prepositions [in the modern sense of that^rm), no body of
words having for their prevailing office the '^government"
of nouns. But many of the adverbial words indicated above
are used vrith nouns in a way which approximates them
to the more fully developed prepositions of other languages.

a. If one and another of such words — as 'vin&» t^ — oceors almoct
solely in prepositional use, this is merely fortuitoot and unessential.

1124. Words are thug used prepoeitioDally along with all the
noon-cases excepting ihe^ dative. But in general their office is direc-
tive only, determining more definitely, or strengthening, the proper
case-use of the noun. Sometimes, however, the case-use is not easy
to trace, and the noun then seems to be more immediately **govenied"
by the preposition — that is, to have its case-form more arbitrarily
determined by i£s association with the latter. This is ofteneat true
of the accusative; and also of the genitive, which has, here as elae-
where (294 b), suffered an extension of its normal sphere of use.

1126. a. The adverbs by derivative form (1097 ff.) have least
of a prepositional value (exceptions are especially a few made with
the suffix tae: 1098).

b. Most of the verbal prefixes (exceptions areud* ni, par&, pra;
and ava and vi are almost such) have their prepositional or quasi-
prepositional uses with cases; but much more widely in the older
time than in the later: in the classical language the usage is mainly
restricted to prati» ana and &.

c. Most of the directive words akin with the more proper pre-
fixes are used prepositionally: some of them — as aaha, vinft, upari,
antara, purft — freely, earlier and later.

d. The case-forms used adverbially are in many instances used
prepositionally also: oftenest, as was to be expected, with the gen-
itive; but frequently, and from an early time, with the accusative;
more rarely with other cases.

e. We will take up now the cases for a brief exposition, beginning
with those that are least freely used.

1>26. The Locative. This case is least of all used with words
that can claim the name of preposition. Of directlTes, ant&r and its later
derivative antara, meaning within, in, are oftenest added to it, and in the
classical language as well ^ earlier. Of frequent Yedic use with it are ^ and
&dlii: thus, m&rtyefv i among mortals; p^pthivyam &dby b^adhi^
the plants upon the earth; t^jo m^srl dh&raya 'dhi (AY.) establish glory

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415 Prepositions. [— 1 1 29

mme; — kpi and 4pa are much rarer : thus, ji B,pim. &pi vrat6 [s&nti]
(RY.) who are in the domain of the waters; amtir ya upa sttrye [s&nti]
(RV.) who are up yonder in the sun; — s&oft along with is not rare In
RY., bat almost entirely unknown later: thus, pitr6^ sioft satl staying
with her parents*

1127. The Instrumental. The directiTes used with this case are
almost only those which contain the associative pronominal root sa : as 8ah&
(most frequent), s&k&m, Bftrdh&m, sam&m, Bam&yft, sar&tham ; and, in
the Yeda, the prefix s&m : as, te BTiniatibhil^ 8&xh p&tnlbhir n& vf^ai^o
nasimahi (BY.) may we be united with thy favors as men with their
apouses. By substitution of the instrumental for the ablative of separation
(283 a), vinft without (not Yedic) tskes sometimes the instrumental; and
80, in the Yeda, avis down and par&s beyond^ with which the ablative is
also, and much more normally, construed. And &dM, in BY., is used with the
instiumentals anunft and snabhis, where the locatiTe would be expected.

1128. The Ablative. In the prepositional constructions of the ab-
lative (as was pointed out and partly illustrated above, 298), the ablative
value of the case, and the merely directive valae of the added particle, are
for. the most part clearly to be traced. Many of the verbal prefixes are
more or less frequently joined in the older language with this case: often-
est, ddhi and p&ri; more sporadically, &nii, &pa, &va, pr&ti, and the
separatives nis and vi. The change of meaning of the ablative with A
hither^ by which it comes to fill the office of its opposite, the accusative,
was sufficiently explained above (293 o). Of directive words akin with
the prefixes, many — as bahis, pur&s, av&s, adhis, par&a, pur^ vln&»
and tlr&a out of knowledge of — accompany this case by a perfectly regular
construction. Also the case-forms arvik» prik» pa9oat, nrdhv&m,
ptirvam, p&ram, and x^ without^ of which the natural construction with
an ablative is predominant earlier.

1129. The Accusative. Many of the verbal prefixes and related
words take an accompanying accusative. Most naturally (since the accusa-
tive is essentially the <o-case), those that express a motion or action to-
ward anything: as abhi, pr&ti» &nu, upa, i. At! and ddlii in the sense of
over on to, or across^ beyond, tirAs through, antAr and antara when mean-
ing between, pAri around, Exainpl^s are: ya^ pradf^o abhi sliryo
vio&ft^ (AY.) what quarters the sun looks abroad unto; Abodhy agni^
pr&ty &yaUin xi^asam (BY.) Agni has been awakened to meet the ad-
vancing dawn; gaoohet kadftcit svajanaih prati (MBh.) she might go
somewhither to her own people; imaih prak^yfimi nfpatixh prati (BiBh.)
him I will ask with reference to the king; xn&ma oittAin Anu oitt^bhir
6 'ta (AY.) follow after my mind with your minds; 6 Tiy a nalji (AY.)
come hither to us; upa na 6 'hy arvan (B^) come hither unto us; y6
devo mArtySfL Ati (AY.) the god who is beyond mortals; adhift^^aya
v&roasa 'dhy anyan (AY.) excelling above others in glory. Also abhitas
and paritas, which have a like value with the simple abhi and pAri;

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1128—] . XYI. Indbounables. 416

and up&ri above (oftener with genitive). Less aoeordant with ordiaAiy
aceosatiye constnictionB is the use of this case with adhas, paras, puraa,
vlnfty beside other cases which seem more suited to the meaniDg of tboae
particles. And the same may he said of most of the adTerhial caae-fozsis
with which the accasatlve is used. Thus, a nomher ofinstmmeiitaLlft of
situation or direction: as y6 'varei^ "dity&m, yd p&renft "^Htyion
(TB.) those who are below the sun, those who are beyond the sun\ ^ntare^a
ydniin (QB.) within the womb ; te hi 'dam antarei^ Barvam <AB.) for
all this universe is between ihem\ iittarei^a garhapatyam (QB.) to the
north of the householder's fire\ d&k^ii^ena v6dim (QB.) to the south of
the sacrificial hearth; dak^ii^ena v^k^avfttikfiin (^.) to the right of the
orchard; nika^a yamiin&in (Har.) near the Yamuna, Similarly, tliTdii-
vam and ptiryam hare an accusative object as well as an ablatiTe; and
the same is true later of p». Abhimukham toward has a more natural
right to construction with this case.

1180. The Genitive. The words which are accompanied by the
genitiye are mostly case-forms of nouns, or of adjectives used substantivelr,
retaining enough of the noun-character to take this case as Uieii natuiai
adjunct. 3nch are the locatives agre m front of abhyft^e notary artho
and ]q^ for the sake of nimitte and het&n by reason of madhye oi
the midst of and other cases, as arthfiya, kftranat, aakft^ftt, hetoe. And
really, although less directly and obviously, of the same character are other
adjective cases (some of them showing other constructions, already noticed):
as adharena, uttare^a and uttarftt» dakigijgiena and dak^ii^t, pa^elt,
tirdhvam, anantaram, aamak^am, sftk^&t. More questionable, and
illustrations rather of the general looseness of the use of the genitlTO, are its
constructions (almost wholly unknown in the oldest language) with more
proper words of direction: thus, with the derivative paritaSt parataa,
and antitas, and parast&t and pnrastftt (these found in the Brahmana
language: as, Baifavatsarasya parastftt after a year; Buktasya puras-
t&t before the hymn [AB.]); with anti, adlias, avas, puraa; with upari
above (common later); and with antar.


* 1181. The conjunctions, also, as a distinct class of words,

are almost wanting.

a. The combination of elanses is in Sanskrit in general of a very
simple character; much of what in other Indo-Earopean languages is
effected by subordinating conjunctions is here managed by means of
composition of words, by the use of the gerunds (994), of iti (1108),
of abstract nouns in case-forms, and so on.

1132. The relative derivative adverbs, already given

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417 Conjunctions. [—1 135

(1008 ff.), may properly be regarded as conjunotionB; and a
few other particles of kindred value, as c6d and ned (1111a).
1133. Purely of conjunctive value are ^ ca and^ and
^ vS or (both toneless, and never having the first place
in a sentence or clause).

a. Of copulative value along with ca, is in the older language
especially utk (later it becomes a particle of more indefinite use); and
4pi, t&tas, t&thft, kfih ca, with other particles and combinations of
particles, are used often as connectives of clauses.

b. Adversative is tu but (rare in the older language); also, less
strongly, u (toneless).

c. Of illative value is hi for (originally, and in great part at
every period, asseverative only):- compare above, 1122b.

d. To ca (as well as to its compound o6d) belongs occasionally the
meaning if,

e. It is needless to enter into further detail with regard to those uses
which may be not less properly, or more properly, called conjunctive than
adverbial, of the particles already given, under the head of Adverbs.


1184. The utterances which may be classed as inter-
jections are, as in other languages, in part voice-gestures,
in part onomatopoeias, and in part mutilations and corrup-
tions of other parts of speech.

1135. a. Of the class of voice-gestures are, for example: ft, h&,
haha, ahaha, he, h&£ (AV.), ayi, aye,.liay6 (RV.), aho, b&{ (RV.),
bata RV.) or vata, and (probably) hiruk and huruk (RV.)«

b. Onomatopoetic or imitative utterances are, for example (in
the older language): oi^ca whiz (of an arrow: RV.): kikira (palpita-
tion: RV.); bal and ph&t (ph&f?) or phil apkish (AV.); bhuk bow-
woto (AV.); 9&1 pat (AV.); &9, Mf, as, and has (PB.); and see the
words already quoted in composition with the roots ky and bhu,
above, 1091.^

o. Nouns and adjectives which have assumed an interjectional
character are, for example: bhos (for the vocative bhavas, 456); are
or re ;voc. of art enemy] ; dhik a/asf (may be mere voice-gesture, but
perhaps related with i^dih); ka^fam tooe is me! diffyft thank heaven!
svasti hail! suffhu, sadhu good, excellent! None of these are Vedic
in interjectional use.

Wliitney Oraromar. 3. ed. 27

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liae— ] XVn. derivation op declinable Stems. 418



1186. The formation from roots of conjugable stems — namely.
tense-stems, mode-stems, and stems of secondary conjugation (not
essentially different from one another, nor, it is believed, ultimately
from the formation of declined stems) — was most conveniently tr^t-
ed above, in the chapters devoted to the verb. Likewise the for-
mation of adverbs by derivation (not essentially different from case-
formation), in the chapter devoted to particles. And the formatioii
of those declinable stems — namely, of comparison, and of infinitives
and participles — which attach themselves most, closely to the sys-
tems of inflection, has also been more or less fnlly exhibited. Bat
the extensive and intricate subject of the formation of the great body
of declinable stems was reserved for a special chapter.

a. Of course, only a brief and compendious exhibition of the subjeet
can be attempted within the here necessaxy limits: no ezhaostive tracing
out of the formative elements of every period; still less, a complete state-
ment of the varied uses of each element; least of all, a discussion of ori-
gins; but enough to help the student in that analysis of words whUh wbma
form a part of his labor fronr the outset, giviug a general outline of the
field, and preparing fbr more penetrating Investigation.

b. The .material from accented texts, and especially the Yedic material,
will he had especially In view (nothing that is Yedic being intoitionaD;
left' unconsidered); and the examples gi?en will he, so Cu as it posslhle,
words found in such texts with their accent marked. No word not tim
vouched for will he accented unless the fact is specifically pointed out.

1187. The roots themselves, both verbal and pionom-
inal, are tised in their bare form, or without any added
suffix, as declinable stems.

a. As to this nse of verbal roots, see below, 1147.

b. The pronominal roots, so-called, are essentially, declinable;
and hence, in their further treatment in derivation, they are throne-
out in accordance with other declinable stems, and not with verbal

1188. Apart from this, every such stem is made by a
suffix. And these suffixes fall into two general classes:

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419 Primary and Secondary Suffixes. [—1140

A. Primary suffixes, oi those which are added directly
to roots;

B. Secondary suffixes, or those which are added to de-
riyative stems (also to pronominal roots, as just pointed out,
and sometimes tp particles).

a. The' division of primary suffixes nearly corresponds to the kft
(more resolar) and ui^&di (less regular) suffixes of the Hinda grammarians ;
the secondary, to their taddhita-snfflxes.

1139. But this distinction, though one of high value,
theoretically and practically, is not absolute. Thus:

a. Suffixes come to have the aspect and the use of primary which
really contain a secondary element — that is to say, the earliest
words exhibiting them were made by addition of secondary suffixes
to words already derivative.

b. Sundry examples of this will he pointed out below: thus, the
gernndival suffixes, tavya, aniya, etc., the suffixes uka and aka, tra,
and others. This origin is probable for more cases than admit of demon-
stration; and it is assumble for others which show no distinct signs of

Online LibraryWilliam Dwight WhitneyA Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana → online text (page 43 of 59)