William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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the later language: e. g. pftrvatiya, pSitftputriyay ftparapakfiya,
vftira^lya.

d. The pronominal possessives madlya etc. (616 a) do not occur either
in Yeda or in Brahmana; but the ordinals dvitiya etc. (467 b, o: with
fraotionals tftiya and turfya : 488 a) are found from the earliest period.

e« The possessives bhagavadlya and bhavadlya, with the final of
the primitive made sonant, have probably had their form determined by the
pronominal possessives in -dlya.



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465 STEMtt IN iya, lya, eya, eyya, enya. [ — 1217

1216. ^ eya. With this suffix, accompanied by v^ddhi-
inciement of an initial syllable, are made adjectives, often
having a patxpnymic or metronymic value. Their neuter
is sometimes used as abstract noun. The accent rests
usually on the final in adjectives of descent, and on the
first syllable in others.

a. Examples are: &r[^ey& descendant of a eage (fsi), Jftna^ratey&
son of Janacruiij 8&raxney4 of Sardmd's race^ 9fttavaney& (^ataioan€s
descendant, rftthajitey& son of Mathofit; asneya of the blood (as&n),
vaateya of the bladder (vastiX p&uruf eya coming from man (p^rufa),
paitf^vaseya of a paternal aunt (pit^vas^), etc.

b. A moie than usual proportion of deriTatiTes In eya come from
primitiTes in i or i; and probably the snfflx first gained its form by addition
of ya to a gnnated i, though afterward used independently.

C. The gerundive etc. deriTatiyes in ya (above, 1213) from ft-roots
end in 6ya; and, besides such, BY. etc have sabh^ya from sabh^, and
didpk^^ya worth seeing, apparently from the desiderative noun didfkfa,
after their analogy. M. has once adhyeya as gerund of yi.

d. Derivatives in the so-called suffix iney& — as bhSgineyi,
jyJUyth1neya» kftniffhineya — are doubtless made upon proximate
derivatives in -Ini (fem.).

e. In eyya (i. e. esria) end, besides the neuter abstract 8aha9eyya
(above, 121 3 o), the adjective of gerundival meaning stu^eyya (with aor-
istic B added to the root), and ^apatheyyk curse-bringing (or accursed),
from ^apitha.

1217. T^ enya. This suffix is doubtless secondary in
origin, made by the addition IT ya to derivatives in a na-
suffix; but, like others of similar origin, it is applied in some
measure independently, chiefly in the older language, where
it has nearly the value of the later aniya (above, 1216b),
as making gerundival adjectives.

a. The y of this suffix is almost always to be read as vowel, and the
accent is (except in v&renya) on the e: thus, -6nia.

b. The gerundives have been all given above, under the different
conjugations to which they attach themselves (066 b, 1010 b, 1038). The
RV. has also two non-gerundival adjectives, vir^^ya manly (vir&), and
kirt^nya famous (kirti), and TS. has anablii9a8ten3r& (abhi9a8ti);
vjjenyk (RY.) is a word of doubtful connection; 9ikfe]^ya instructive is
found in a Sutra j prav^ei^a of the rainy season occurs later.

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 30



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1218—] XVn. Secondary Dbrivation. 466

1218. MiuJk &yya. With this sufOx are made gerandiyal adjee-
tives almost only in BY. They have been noticed above (866^.
The ending is everywhere to be read ayia.

a. A few adjectives without gerandival value, and neuter ah«tnets,
also occur; thus, bahup^yya protecting many^ n^ayya men'guardmg\
ktu^^Apaysra, and pummayya, proper names; purvapayya^^ drink^
mahayayya enjoyment \ — and rasdyya nervous^ and uttamayya summit.
contain no verbal root. Alayya is doubtful; also SkSyyk, which its ac-
cent refers to a different formation, along with prahftyya (AY.: ylii)
messengefy and prav&yyk (AY.), of doubtful value.

1219. ^lUH Syana. In the BrShmai^afl and later, patro-
nymics made by this suffix are not rare. They come &om
stems in 35f a, and have vrddhi-strengthening of the first
syllable, and accent on the final.

a. In RY., the only example of this formation is kft^vfiyana (voc:
k&i^va); AY. has in metrical parts dSk9gya]i& and the fem. ramSya^;
and fimu^ySyai^ eon of so-and-so (516) in its prose; ^B. has ri^m-
stambayana beside -bftyan&. The RY. name uk^ai^yayana is of a
different make, elsewhere unknown.

1220. taHiil &yi. Only a very few words are made with this
suffix, namely agnayi (agnf) Agni's wife vf^ftkapSyi wife of Vrishi-
kapi] and later putakratftyl, and manSyi Manu's wife (but manSvi ^B).

a. They seem to be feminlnes of a derivative a made with vrddhi-
increment of the final 1 of the primitive.

1221. ^i. Derivatives made with this suffix are patro-
nymics from nouns in a. The accent rests on the initial
syllable, which has the y^ddhiHstrengthening.

a. In RY. are found half-a-dozen patronymics in i: for example, ag-
nive9i, pft^rukutsi, pratardani, saihvara]^; AY. has but one, pra-
hr&di; in the Brahmanas they are more common: thus, in AB., Bfiuyavasiy
Jftnaihtapi, ftni^i, jSnaki, etc. A single word of other value — sarathi
charioteer (saritham) — is found from RY. down.

b. The words made with the so-called suffix aki — as vfiiySaaki
descendent of Vyasa — are doubtless properly derivatives in i from others in
ka or aka. That the secondary suffix Ika is probably made by addition
of ka to a derivative in i is pointed out below (1222 J).

C. RY. has t&ptifi, apparently from t4pU8 with a secondary i added,
and the n. pr. 9ucanti; bhuvantf is found in B., and Jivanti later.

1222. of; ka. This is doubtless originally one of the
class of suffixes forming adjectives of appurtenance. And



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467 Stems ik ftyya, ftyana, fiyi, i, ka. [—1222

that value it still has in actual use; yet only in a small
minority of occurrences. It has been, on the one hand^
speciaUzed into an element forming diminutives; and, on
the other hand, and much more widely, attenuated into an
element without definable value, added to a great many
nouns and adjectives to make others of the same meaning
— this last is, even in the Veda, and still more in the
later language, its chief office.

a. Hence, ka easily asBOciates itself with the finals of deriv-
ativcB to which it is attached and comes to seem along with them
an integral suffix, and is farther used as such. Of this origin are
doabtless, as was seen above (1180, 1181), the so-called primary suf-
fixes uka and aka; and likewise the secondary soffix ika (below, J).

b. The accent of derivatiyes in ka varies — apparently without
rule, save that the words most plainly of diminutive character have
the tone usually on the suffix.

o. Examples (from the older language) of words in which the suffix
has an adjectiye-maklng value are: ^taka (^ta) end-making^ b&lhika
(b&lhi) of Balkhy fti^^Ika (&^<Jl&) egg-bearing^ sHcika (sacl) stinging^
urvarukd fruit of the gourd (urvaru), paryftyik& (paryftyd) etrophic-,
from numerals, ekak&, dvaki, trik&, a^^ka; t^iyaka of the third
day\ from pronoun-stems, asm^ka otir«, srufmaka youre^ m&maka mine
(616b): from prepositions, ^tika near^ &nuka foUowing^ &vakS a plant
(later adbika» utka); and, with accent retracted to the Initial syllahle
(besides iffaka and tftayaka, already given), rtlpaka (rup&) with form^
b&bhmka (babhru hroum) a certain lizard. Bhftvatka your worship's
has an anomalous initial v^ddlil.

d« Of words in which a diminutive meaning is more or less probable:
a9vak& nag^ kanlnaka and kumSraki hoy, kaninaka or kanlnikd
girly p&dak& little foot, putraki little son, rajakd princeling, ^akun-
tak& hirdling. Sometimes a contemptuous meaning is conveyed by such
a diminutive: for formations with this value from pronominal stems, see
above, 621; other examples are anyakd (KV.), &lakam (RV.: from dlam),
and even the verb-form y&makl (for yftnxi: KB.)-

e. The derivatives in ka with unchanged meaning are made from
primitives of every variety of form, simple and compound, and have the
same variety of accent as the adjective derivatives (with which they are at
bottom Identical). Thus:

f. From simple nouns and adjectives: &8taka home, nasikft nostril,
m&kfika^y, avika exoe, if uka arrow, durak4 distant, sarvaki all,
dh^nuka (dhenu) cow, n&gnaka (nagni) n<iked, b&ddhaka (baddhi)
captive, abhinnataraka hy no means different, anastamitakd before

30*



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1282—] XVII. Sboondaky Dbrivation. 468

sunset, vamrakA ant, arbhak^ smaU, ^qxxkk young, aQiya9ka JIner,
ejatk4 trembling, abhim&dyaik& intoxicated, patayifi^uki^ym^. Such
deriTAtWes in the later language are inniimerable ; from almoai any giyen
noon or adjective may be made an equivalent, ending in ka or kft (aceond-
ing to the gender).

g. From compound primitives: 8valpak& very small, vlmanyuka
removing wraih, vikf ii^atki destroying , pravartam&nak& moving for'
ward, vlkwlpakA destroyed,

h. In the Brahmanas and later, ka is often added to a postesaive
adjective compound (1307), sometimes redundantly, but usually in order
to obtain a more manageable stem for inflection: thus, anak^ika eyeless,
atv&kka skinless, aret&ska without seed, vyasthaka boneless, sa^iraska
along with the head, ekagftyatrlka containing a single gftyatri-o«r«e,
g^hit&vasativarika one who has taken yesterday's water, sapatnlka tcith
his spouse, bahuhastlka having many elephants, sadikfopasitka with
dikf ft and upasad, Shitasamitka wi^ his fuel laid on, abhinavava-
yaska of youtJ^l age, aSguftbamfttiraika of thumb size,

i. The vowel by which the ka is preceded has often an izrefular
character; and especially, a feminine in ikft is so common beside a maa-
cuUne in aka as to be its regular correspondent (as is the case wiUi the
BO-ci^ed primary aka: above, 1181). In RY. are found beside one an-
other only iyattaka and iyatUki; but AY. has several examples.

j. Two suffixes made up of ka and a preceding vowel — namely,
aka and ika — are given by the grammarians as independent secondary
suffixes, requiring initial v^dbi-strengthening of the primitive. Both of
them are doubtless originally made by addition of ka to a final 1 or a,
though coming to be used independently.

k. Of y^^dhi-derivatives in aka no examples have been noted from
the older language (unless mSmaki mine is to be so regarded) ; and t^
are not common in the later: thus, ftva^yaka necessary, vftrddhaka
old age, rftmai^iyaka delightfulness,

L Of v^ddM-derivatives in ika, the Yeda furnishes a very ttw
cases : vaaantika vernal, vfbn^ika of the rainy season, hrimaTitika witUry
(none of them in RY.); AY. has kSir&tiki of the Kiraias, apparent fern,
to a masc. k&irfttaka, which is not found till later. Examples tnm a
more recent period (when they become abundant) are: vSidika relatinf to
the Vedas, dh&rmika religious, fthnika daify, vftinayika well-^^aved,
dfiuvftiika doorkeeper, nftiyfiyika versed in the Nyaya,

m. Before the suffix ka, some finals show a form which is eharacter-
istic of external rather than internal combination. A final sonant mate,
of course, becomes surd, and an aspirate loses its aspiration (llTa^ 114):
cf. -upaaatka* -samitka, above, h. So also a palatal becomes guttual
(as before t etc.: 217): e. g. -srukka, -rukka, -trakka, anyirki^
A 8 remains after &, and becomes f after an alterant vowel (180): t,p
sadyaska, Jyoti^ka, dirghftytu^ka* But the other sibilants tehe the fon



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469 Stems in ka» aka, ika, ft&l, lna» na, ima. [—1884

they would hate In compositloa : thas, adfkka (dl9), fafka, -vitka,
-tvlfka (faf «to.). Anfi^Irka (TS.: ft^is) 1b snonuaoiu; and bo is pa-
rutka (Apast.), if it comes from paras.

1223. Several suffixes, partly of rare occurrence and qnestionable
character, contain a ^ n as consonantal element, and may be grouped
together here.

a. A few derlvatlTes in Sna In RV. were given above (1176 a).

b. With Sni (which is perhaps the correspondiiig feminine) are made
a small nnmher of words, chiefly wife-names: thus, indr&^I, vanu^ftnl
(these, with u^In&r&^i, poruk&tsSni, mudgalani» urjani» are fonnd
in RY.), rudr&]^, matnlSni maternal uncle*8 toife, qarvaj^lt bhavftni^
I^anani, 9akrft]^i9 up&dhyftyftni, mr4^^^» brahmft]^; and yav&ni.

O* The feminines in ni and km from masculine stems in ta have
been already noticed above (ll76d). From p&ti master, husband the
feminine is p&tni, both as independent word, spouse^ and as final of an
adjective compound: thus, dev&patni having a god for husband, sfn-
dhupatni having the Indus as master. And the feminine of pani9& rough
is in the older language sometimes p4raf]^.

d. With ina are made a full series of adjective derivatives from the
words with final a&O (407 ff.); they are accented usually upon the penult,
but sometimes on the final; and the same word has sometimes both ac-
cents: for example, ap&cina, niolna, prftolna, arvaoina and arv&-
cin&, pratlcina and pratioin&, 8amIoin&. Besides these, a number of
other adjectives, earlier and later: examples are saihvatsarii^a yearly,
prftv^fii^a of the rainy season, viQvaJanlna of all people, Jfiataknlina
of hnoum family, adhvanlna traveller (&dlivan way), ft9vina day^s

jumey on horseback (&9va horse). RY. has once makina mine,

e. With ena is made 8anddhen& (f. -ni), from samfdh, with initial
strengthening.

f. As to a few words in ina, compare 1209 o.

g. The adjectives made with simple na fall partly under another head
(below, 1246f); here may be noted 9T!irai^ heroic (y), ph&lgona, ^ma-
^rxD^ dadnu^ and, with vrddhi-strengthening, Btrftf]^ woman^s (Its
correlative, pftmiisna, occurs late) and cyfiixtni inciting. If drdi^a comes
from dru wood, it has the anomaly of a gui^strengthening.

1224. Certain suffixes containing a If m may be similarly
grouped.

a. With ima are made a small number of adjectives from nouns in
tra: tbus, khan{trima made by digging, k^^trfma artificial, dattrima»
paktrima, pHtrima; in other finals, kuftima, ga^ima, taUma, tulima,
pftkima, adgarlma, vyfiyogimay saihvyuhinia, nirvedhima, ftsaii-
gima, all late. In agrima (RV.) foremost the ma has perhaps the ordi-
nal value.

b. The uses of simple ma in forming superlatives (474) and ordinals
(487 dt e) have been already noticed, and the words thus made specified.



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wm



1224—] XVn. Secondaky Derivation. 470

o. A few neuter abstracts end in mna: thns, dyumni brightness,
npsQn& manliness; and, from particles, niiim& depth and Bimin& tcelfm^e.
The suffix comes perhaps from man with an added a.

d. For the words showing a final min» see helow, 1281.

1226. vm mays. With this suffix are formed adjectives
signifying made oi composed oi consisting of^ also abotmd-
ing in, that which is denoted by the primitive.

a. The accent is always on the m&, and the feminine is regularly
and usually in m&yL In the oldest language (Y.), final as remains un-
changed before the suffix : thus, manasm&ya, nabhasm&ya, ayasmiya;
but d is treated as in external combination: thus, mynTnAya ; and in the
Brahmanas and later, finals in general have the latter treatment: e. g. te-
Jom&ya» adom&ya» ftpom&yay Jyotirmaya, yi^tirmiyay etanmiya,
asymnaya, vfinm&ya, ammaya, prdv^^i^maya. BY. has a9manm6ya
(later a^mamaya). In hira^m&ya (B. and later) the primitive (hira-
^a) is peculiarly mutilated. BY. has s^m&ya of good make^ and 1dm-
miya made of what?

b. A yery few examples of a feminine in yft occur in the later
language.

1226. ^ ra. A few derivative adjectives are made with
this suffix. Accent and treatment of the primitive are va-
rious.

a. With simple addition of ra are made, for example: pfiAsura
ditsty, -Qiira (also -Qlila) in a^rir& uglg, dh^mra dush/ (dhfank snufke),
madhura 0^^) 9toeet. In an example or two, there appears to be accom-
panying initial strengthening: thus, agnldhra of the fire-kindler (agnXdh),
9ftlikiLr& stake-like (9a£iku); and in 9ekhara (also Qikhaira), a gu^^
strengthening.

b. With an inorganic vowel before the ending are made, for exunpie,
medhira vjise, rathird in a chariot; karmara smith; dantora (late)
tusked; acch^ra (? MS.), QrAmaiOLera, saihgamanera.

o. The use of ra in forming a few words of comparative meaning was
noticed above (474), and the words so made were given.

1227. ^la. This and the preceding suffix are really

but two forms of the same. In some words they exchange

with one another, and ^ la is usually, but not always, the

later form in use.

a. Examples are : bahuli abundant, madliul4 (later madhura) and
madhula sweet, bhimala fearful, Jival& lively, AqVSlk (and a^riri)
wretched; with a, vftofila talkative (late); with i, phenila /oomy 0<^^*



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471 Stems in mna, maya, ra, la, va, 9a, in. [—1280

phena); with n, vfttula» and vfttMa windy (late: v^ta); and mfttula
maternal uncle is a somewhat irregolai formation from mfttf mother,

b. In the later language are foand a few adjectives in lu, always
preceded by ft; examples are: k^Slu and daySlu compcissionate, Iri}-
yftlu iedhu$^ ofi^Slu heated, ^ayftlu and svapn&lu sleepy^ lajjftlu mod-
esif Iftlftlu drooling, 9raddlifilu trusting, krodhfilu passionate. One or
two such deriyatives haying a primary aspect were noticed at 1102 b.

1228. ^ va. A small number of adjectives have this
ending (accented, added to an unaltered primitive).

a. Examples are: an^vft billowy, ke^avd hairy; i^Umftv& girded]
a2ijiv& slippery, 9antiv& tranquilliting, 9raddhiv& credible, amai^va
j'ewelless, riyiva striped.

b. There are a very few adjeotiyes in vala and vaya which may be
noticed here : thus, k^ival& peasant (k^ ploughing^ ur^ftvald wooly,
rajasvala, urjasvala, payasvala, 9ftdvala, na<Jlvcda, 9ikliftvala, dan-
tftvala ; druv&ya wooden dish, caturvaya fourfold.

c. With vya are made two or three words from names of relation-
ship, thus, pit^^vya paternal uncle, bhratfvya nephew, enemy.

1220. ^ 9a. A very few adjectives appear to be made
by an added ending of this form.

a. Thns, roma9& or loma9& hairy, 6ta9a (also eta9&) variegated,
arva9a or &rva9a hasting, bablilu94 or bablira9& and kapi9a brownish,
kp}9a9a blackish, 3niva9& youthful, bfili9a childish, karka9a harsh, kar-
ma9a (?) n. pr.; and giri9a» v&ri9a (?), V7kfa9a are doubtless of the
same character (not containing the root 91). The character of harima9&»
k&9ma9a, kala9a is doubtful.

b. Many of the adjective derivatives already treated have some-
times a possessive valne, the general meaning of being concerned with,
having relation to being specialized into that of being possession of
But there are also a few distinctively possessive suffixes; and some
of these, on account of the unlimited freedom of using them and
the frequency of their occurrence, are very conspicuous parts of the
general system of derivation. These will be next considered.

1280. ^ in. Possessive adjectives of this ending may

be formed almost nnlimitedly &om stems in ^ or ^ S,

and are sometimes (but very rarely) made from stems with

other finals.

a. A final vowel disappears before the suffix. The accent is on
the suffix. As to the inflection of these adjectives, see above, 438 ff.
They are to be counted by hundreds in the older language, and are
equally or more numerous in the later.



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1830—] XVn. SeOONDA&T DBBXYATIOir. d

b. ExMDplet from a-stems ar«: A^vln poBssssmg horseB^ cQiai
wealthy y pakffn winged^ b«l£n strong, bhag&i forUmate^ vmgfl e fm, wi<
ing ike thunderbolt, ^ikhaijfjifn creeUd, haatiii poesesnng hmuU^ 9<MJ^
of eizteen, gardabhanftdin having an aee^s voice, hruhixmvmnsmain.
eminent eanetity^ Bftdhndevin having husk at play, k&oidartli&L kme^
errands everywhither; — from ft-Bteou^ manTfCn toise, ^tlthfn eresi
ftftyfn piotts.

c. DerlT&tlyes from other stems are very few in comparUon: th
from i-stems, atithin(?), abhimatfn, arofn, a^anin, farodn^ kfi]
nemin, khft<&i, -pfii^in, marfoin. mandUtn, mftulln, 'jonin^ -^aoi
ttftihdhin, sam^ddtaJn, aurabhin (of ^ose found only at the end oi
poflBesi^Te compomid the character 1b doahtfal, sliiee ease-forms of i* a
in-stems are not seldom exchanged); — from u-stems^ guwixty n^twrrl
(?), vei^vin (with guna of the u); — firom stems in an, wmxmL
karmin, oarmin^ -ohadxnin, Janmln, dhanvin, -dharmin* n&nu
brahmin, yakymin, 9anniii9 and 9Tan£n; — in as, retfnrM tia sm
and probably varoin n. pi.; also (perhaps through stems in -sa) 9«Taai
and sahasin, manasln, -vayasfn; — isolated are parisrajin garlanded
and hira^in (hir&gya).

d. It was pointed out above (1188) that deriyatives in in have aseTUE
ed on a large soale the aspect and value of primary derivatiTes, with ik
Bigniflcance of present participles, especially at the end of compounds. Tk
properly seoondary character of the whole formation is shown, on the oq
hand, by the frequent use in the same manner of words bearing an immis
takably secondary form, as pra9n{n, garbhin, JGr^in, H>iflmTTi^ gna
nin, hoTnin, matsarfn, paripanthin, pravepazdn, saihgatin; and
on the other hand, by the occurrence of reverted palatals (216) before tl<
in, which could only be as in replaced a: thus, arldn, -bha&g{n, -ean*
g£n, -roldn.

e. In a few cases, there appears before the in a y preceded by a
ft of inorganic character: thus, dhanvftyfn, tantrftyin, ^Tet^yln,
Bfkfiyfn, fttatSyin, pratihitfiyfn, marSyfny |rtayin, svadhSyfn (VS.
TB. -vfn). The y in all such words is evidently the inserted y after a
(258 a), and to assume for them a suffix yin is quite needless.

f. The accentuation pravrivjin, prasy&ndin, in the concluding ptn
of QB., is doubtless false; and the same is to be suspected for 9^bd, nkiU
(ri (BY. each once).

g. A very few words in in have not suflTered the possessive epedjli-
zation. Such are vanfn tree, hermit, kapotin dovelike, a^f^ scrotsm-
like (cf. 1233f.).

1281. {rpf min. With this suffix aie made an extremely

smfldl niunber of possessive adjectives.

a. In the old languUge, the words in min hsfve the aspect of dsrir-
atives in in from nouns in ma, although in two or three oases — ifoiin



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473 Stbms m in, min, vin, viint. [^12^8

and fgaain in BY., Tfigmin in (B. — no such nonns are fonnd in tetttal
vse betide them. In the later lanfoftge, min is used as independent ele-
ment In a Tery few words: thns, g&tl^n possessing eoHle, BrSmin (Sfttras
and later) mastsTy lord («m ocm), kakodBsdn humped.

t». The two words ^smfil and vfifin^fn show not only reversion hnt
also sonantizlng of an original palatal.

1232. fsp{ vin. The adjectives made with this suffix
aie also not numerous. They have the same meanings frith
those in ^ in. The accent is on the suffix.

a. The RY. has ten adjectives in vin; they become rather more com-
mon later. Though for them may be suspected a similar origin to those in
yin and min (above), signs of It are much less clearly traceable.

b. The great majority have vin added after as: e. g. namasvln
reverential^ tapaevln heated, tejasvfn briUiant, ya^asvln beautiful^ and
so retasvfn, enasvin, haraevin, etc.; and 9ata8vin, ^rotasvfn, rii-
pasvin have an inserted s, by analogy vrith them. Most others have &
(sometimes, by lengthening): thus, gl&vin, medhavin, m&ySvfn, sa-
bhftvfn, a^frftvln obedient to the goad, dvayftvin doubh-minded, ubha-
ySvin possessing of both kinds, dhanvftvin, tandrftvin, fimayftvlny
atatftv{n. More rarely, vin is added after another consonant than s: thus,
vSgvfn, dhr^adv&i, fttmanvin, kumudvin, sra^n, yajvin, ajvin.
The doubtful word vya^nuvln (VS., once: TB. vy&9niya) appears to add
the ending (or in, with euphonic v) to a present tense-stem.

c. An external fbrm of combination is seen only in vftgrvfn and
dttf^^vfn (both Yedic), vrith the common reversion of a palatal in sragVln.

1288. GftT vant. Very numeious possessive adjectives
are made by this suffix, from noun-stems of every foim,
both in the earlier language and in the later.

a. The accent generally remains apon the primitive, without
change ; bat an accent resting on a stem-final, if this be anything but
& or i, is in the majority of cases thrown forward upon the suffix.
As to inflection, formation of feminine, etc., see 462 ff.

b. A final vowel — oftenest a, very rarely u — is in many words
leng^ened in the older language (247) before this ending, as in oompo-
gitlon. Nonns in vcl more often retain the n.



Online LibraryWilliam Dwight WhitneyA Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana → online text (page 49 of 59)