William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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0. Examples of the normal formation are: with unchanged accent,
Icd^avant hairy, putipdvant having a son, prajAnanavant procreative,
pw^^kfSkwant rich in lotuses, h{ra]^avant rich in gold, apQp&vant
having cakes, rWanykvant allied with a kshatriya-, "preitrrKnt having pro-
geny, tln^ftvant wooly, d&kfii^avant rich in sacrificial gifts-, B&khivant
Tuning friends, saptar^fvant accompanied by the seven sages; 9&o£vant
potoerful; t&vii|Ivant vehement, p&tnivant tviih spouse, dhlvant devoted,



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1283—] XVII. Secondary Derivation. 474

dyav&pipthivivant (94b) with heaven and earth-, vffnuvant aecompamed
by Vishnu; h&xitvant golden, ftvftvant hither turned, S^trvant mixed
with milk, Bvhrvajot eplendid, 9ar&dvant/ti// off/ears, p^uixsvant Aovtfi^
a male, p&yasvant rich, t&masvant dark, brAhmapvant aeccmpanied
with worship, r6mai^vant hairy (but also romavant, Idmavant, vrtraha-
vanty etc.), kakdbhvant containing a kakubh; — with aocent oa the
suffix, agniv&nt having fire, rayiv^t wealthy, nprant mofdy, padvimt
having feet^ naav&nt with nose, ftsanv&nt having a mouth, 9irf a9.v4nt
headed (also 9frffavant).

d. With final stem-Towel lengtheDed: for example, A^vftvant (bedde
&9vavant) possessing horses, sutivant having soma expressed, vfsi^iyftvant
of virile force (about thirty such cases occur in V.) ; ^Aktivant mighty,
8v4dhitlvant having axes, gh^vant hot; vii|uv&nt dividing (yi^n tq>arf).

e. Certain special Irregularities are as follows: an inserted 8 in in-
drasvanty m&hifvant; inserted n in v4nanvant, budhanvant, v&-
dhanvant, gartanvdnt, mSAsanv^t; shortening of a final of the primi-
tive in mSyivant, ySjy^tvant, ptironuv&ky^tvant, Smikfavant,
sarasvativaiit; abbreviation in hirai^vant; inserted ft in 9avaBftvant,
sahasftvant, and the odd mahimftvant; anomalous accent in kr9ana-
vant (if from kf9ana pearl); derivation firom particles in ant&zvant
pregnant, vii|iiv&nt (above, d).

£• Instead of the specialized meaning of possessing, the more genenl
one of like to, resembling is seen In a number of words, especially in the
derivatives from pronominal stems, mavant like me etc. (517: add
ivant» kivant). Other examples are {ndrasvant like Indra, movant
nestlike, nllavant blackish, nfviaat manly, pf^advant speckled, kfftf-
tavant princely; compare the later pairavant dependent. It was pointed
out above (1107) that the adverb of comparison in v4t is the aecosatiTe
neuter of a derivative of this class.

g« In a few words, vant has the aspect of forming primary deiiv-
atives: thus, viv&svant (or vfvasvant) shining, also n. pr., &niipa-
daevant, &rvant, pipl§vant(?), yahv&at.

h. For the derivatives in vat from prepositions, which appeal to have
nothing to do with this suffix, see 1246 J.

1. While this suffix is generally added to a primitive according to the
rules of internal combination (see examples above, o), treatment also u
in external combination begins already in RY., in pffadvant (pf^),
and becomes more common later: thus, tapovant, tejovant, a&gtrovaat
(beside t&pasvant etc.); vidyudvant (beside vldyutvant), b^liadvaiit,
Jagadvant, sadvant, etc.; tri^tubvant (against kakiibhvant). Bam-
idvant, vlmi^vant; vftgvant (against fkvant); Bvarft^'^'^uit; havya-
vS^vant; ft^irvant.

J. None of the suffixes beginning with v show in the Veda resolotica
of V to u.



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475 Stems in vant, van, mant. [—1236

1834. Gp{ van. The secondary deriyatiyes in this suffix beloDg
to the older language, and are a small number, of which extremely
few haye more than an occurrence or two.

a. They have the aspect of being produced under the Joint inflnence
of primary van and secondary vant. A final short Towel is usually length-
ened before the suffix. The accent is yarious, hut oftenest on the penult
of the stem. The feminine (like that of the derivatives in primary van:
1169f) is in vari.

b. The Yedic examples are: from a-stems, p^ftv^ or ^navdn, ^^ta-
van (and f. -van), f^ghftvan, dhitavan, aatyavan, sumnftv&rl, and
magh&van; ftom ft-stems, s&iftftvari, svadh^van (and f. -vari); from
i-fitems, amatlv&n, arftlJv&n, ^m^fivin, muflv^, and kp^ivan (only
in the further derivative kir^ivai^a); dhlvan; from consonant-stems,
&tharvan, sam&dvan, s&hovan (bad AY. variant to RY. aahavan);
hardvan (TA. also hSrdivan). Somewhat anomalous are aahavan,
indlianvan (for (ndhanavan P), and sanitvan (for a&nitivanP). The
only words of more than sporadic occurrence are ^£van, magh&van,
&tliarvan.

c. S&liovan (see b) is the only example of external combination
with this suffix.

1235. ffH mant. This is a twin-suffix to cltf vant (above,

1288); theii deriyatives have the same value, and are to

some extent exchangeable with one another. But possess-

ives in ^IrT mant are much less frequent (in the older lan-

g^uage, about a third as many), and are only very rarely

made from a-stems.

a. If the accent of the primitive word is on the final, it is in
the great majority of instances (three quarters) thrown forward upon
the added suffix ; otherwise, it maintains its place unchanged. A final
vowel before the suffix is in only a few cases made long. Exam-
ples are:

b. With the accent of the primitiye unchanged: kAi^vamant, y&va-
mant rich in barley, and vibhavamant n. pr. (these alone from a-stems,
and the first only occorring once); &viniant possessing sheep ^ a9&niniant
bearing the thunderboHf 69adhlmant rich in herbs, va9imant carrying an
axe, v&sumant possessing good things, m&dhumant rich in sweets, tv&§-
f imant accompanied by Tvashiar, h6trmant provided with priests, ayu^-
mant long-lived, Jydti^mant /u/^ of brightness; — uUniflmant accom-
panied with meteors, pHumant (?), prastlmant having young shoots,
S6mant rich in kine, garutmant winged, vihutmant with libation,
Icakiidmant humped, vidyunmant (with irregnlar assimilation of t: YS.
bas also kak&nmant) gleaming, virukmant shining, bavifmant with
libations, vipm^mant with drops.



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1M6— ] XVII. Sboondabt Dbrivation. 476

o. With the accent thrown forward upon tbe end^: ifcwiTrtfeVt wUk
knwea, agnlm&nt having fir^ iyadhiinAiit wi^ a quweTf pa^umiuit
possessing cattle, vSyam4nt with wind, pitinUuit (AY. pitfniAnt) acecm-
pamed hy the Fathers, mfttpnimt having a mother] no long final Yowels
are fonnd before the Bofflx in tiiis diyision, and only once a consonant^ in
dMUn&t (RV., once).

d« Protraction of a final yowel Is seen in tvifxmanty dlir^Imant»
hirimant; in J76ti9imant is Irregiolarly inserted an I (after the anslofy
of tivii^DnaBt); in ^uoifmant, mahifzuant, an a; Bo^amant (BY.,
once) appears to be primary.

e. The adverb ftQum&t appean to be related to adverbs in vAt as
the snffix mant to TMit.

f. By the side of deriTstiyes made with internal combination appean
vldydnmant even in RY.; and other like cases ooenr later: thus, p«ri-
sHmmant* kakunmant, k^iminaiit, pnrordfkmeutit) vJUkxnant, kairam*
mant, gndaJliymant, 7a90ziia&t.

12d6« It has been seen aboye (especially in c^onnection with the
suffixes a and ya) that the nenter of a deriyatiye adjectiye is fre-
quently used as an abstract notin. There are, howeyer, two suffixes
which haye in the later language the specific office of niakiiag a1>8tnct
nouns from adjectiyes and nouns; and these are found alea, more
sparingly used, in the oldest language, each haying there one or two
other eyidently related suffixes beside it.

a. For deriyatives of the same yalue made with tiie solflx <>^<fc%, see
above, 1168i-k.

1287. rIT tS. With this suffix are mcide femiiiine sba-
tiact nouns, denoting the quality of being eo a/nd so, from
hoth adjectives and nouns.

a. The form of the primitiye is unchanged, and the accekt is
uniformly on the syllable preceding the suffix.

b. Examples (from the older language) are: dev&tS divinity, v^r&tft
manliness, purui^tft human nature, agnitft fire^od, apa^iitft eatHe^^Uss-
ness, bandhiatft relationship, vasi&tS wealth; nagn4tft nakedness, suti-
r&ta wealth in retainers, anapaty&tft lack of descendants, eigdtJi potert^
in cattle, abrahm&ta lack of devotion, apraj&stft absence of progeajf,
also doubtless stUittft (from sUn&ra), although the word is a few timtf
used as an adjective Oike ^aihtftti and satyatfttl: see next paragraph).

o. Of special formation are mam&tfi selfishness, tr6t& triplieity, asBti
actuality, RY. has avIratS, with exceptional accent. In ekapatnlti i»
seen a shortened final vowel of the primitive. Jan&tft has acquired a eo>*
Crete meaning, people ^ folk; also grftmatS (once) villages collectively.

1238. cnf?T tftti, fTTrT tftt These suffixes are Vedie only, sad
the latter is limited to RY. Their relationship to the preceding i?



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477 Stbms in mant, t&, Uti, Ut, tvy, trana. [—1240

evident, but opiniowi are at varianoe at to its nature. The accent is
as in th^ derivatives with t6.

a. The quotable examples In t&ti are: arift^tAti ufitr^ednessy
ayak^poi&t&ti freedom from diseoM, gfbhit&t&ti the being seized^ Jyef-
(h&t&ti stspremaqfy devitftti divinity^ vaautftti toedHh, 9&xiit&ti good-
fortune f BarT&tftti eampletenes$; and, with ezceptioQal accent, istatftti
home, and d&k^at&ti clevemesa; Qivatftti and 9abhat&ti oecnr (once
eaeh) in the later language. Two words in t&ti are used adjeetively (in-
organically, by apposition?): ^iiht&ti (BY., twice; and AY. ziz. 4i. 1,
in mannscxlpts), and satyatftti (RY., once: yoc).

b. The words in tftt (apparently made by abbreyiation from t&ti)
occur in only one or two case-forms; they were all mentioned abore (388 k« 2).

1280. ^tva. With this suffix aie made neutei nouns,
of the same value as the feminines in rTT tS (above, 1887).

a. The neuter abstracts in tva are in the older language con-
siderably more common than the feminines in tft, although them-
selves also not very numerous. The accent is without exception on
the soffix.

b. Szamples (from the older language) are: anirtatv& immortality,
devatv4 divinity , tnbhugatvkgood'fortutte, aliamattaratv& Hrttggle for
precedency, t^noitvk purity, patitv& huebandehip, tara^itwi energy, dlr-
ghftyatvi long life, 9atrutv& enmity, bhrfttftv& brotherhood, V7fatv&
virility^ 8fttniatv& eoulftdness, maghavattvi liberality, rak^astvi sorcery.
In anAgfi8tv4 and ^rajft8tv& there is a lengthening of a final syl-
lable of the primitive; and in 8&uprajft8tv& (AY., once) this appears to
be accompanied by initial v^ddbi (a&abhagatvi is doubtless from sftii-
"bbaga, not subb&ga) *, and in these and pratyanastv^ there Is an appa-
rent insertion of s. In 8adhanitv& (RY.), vasativaritv^ (TS.), rohl-
i^tvk (TB.), there is shortening of final feminine i before the auffix. Of
peculiar formation are astitva actuality and sabatva union. The apparent
feminine datlYcs yflthatvfty&i and gai^tviyfti (KS.) are donbUess false
forms.

o. Besides the usual guttural roTersions in aamyaktva* Bayuktva,
we have external combination in samittva (-idb-) and pOmravftttva
(-vali-).

d. In lfitatv&t6 (RY., once) incitednese, and pnro^atv&tft (RY.,
twice) hunum quality, appears to be a combination of the two equivalent
suffixes tva and tft.

e« The v of tva is to be read in Yeda as u only once (rakijastuA).

1240. W{ tvana. The derivatives made with this suffix are,
like those in tva, neuter abstracts. They occur almost only in BY.,
and, except in a single instance (martyatvani), have beside them
equivalent derivatives in tva. The accent is on the final, and the
trv^ is never resolved into tua.



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1240—] XVIL Sbcondakt Derivation. 478

a. The words are: kavltvan&, Janitvan&, patitvand (also JB.):
martyatvanA, mahitvan&, vaautvanA, vr^atvanA, sakhitvan^.

1241. A few BuffixcB make no change in the character as part
of speech of the primitive to which they are added, but either are
merely formal appendages, leaving the value of the word what it was
before, or make a change of degree, or introduce some oUier modi-
fication of meaning.

1242. The suffixes of compaiison and oidina] sufBxes
have for the most part been treated already, and need only
a reference here.

a. r17 tara and cTR tama are the usual secondary suffixes of
adjective comparison : respecting their use as such, see above, 471 -478 j
respecting the use of tama as ordinal etc. suffix, see 487-8; resj^eet-
ing that of their accusatives as adverbial suffixes to prepositions
etc., see lllle.

b. In vrtrat&ra and purut&ma (RV.) the accent is anomalous;
in mf^ay&ttama, it is drawn forward to the final of the participle, as
often in composition (1308); 9a9vattam& (RV.) has the ordinal accent;
BuhvatsaratamA (QB.) is an ordinal; dfv&tara (BY., once: an error ?)
is an ordinary adjective, of the day ; surabhi^tama and tuvl^ffasna insert
a s; k&rotar& and kSulitard are probably v^ddhi-derlTatives in a. lo
vatsatarA (f. -rl) wecmiing^ a^vatari mviUy and dhenu^tcurl ccw losing
her milk, the application of the suffix is peculiar and obscure; so also in
rathaihtard, name of a certain aaman,

0. ^ ra and ^ ma, like tara and tama, have a comparative and
superlative value; and the latter of them forms ordinals: see above,
474, 487.

d. ST tha, like tama and ma, forms ordinals from a few nume-
rals: see 487 c; also (with fem. in -thi) from Uti, kati, yati, iti:
thus tatith& so-many-eVi etc.

e. Apparently by false analogy with tatithA etc. (above, d), tke
quasi-ordinals tftvatitha, y&vatitha, bahutitha are made, as if witfc •
suffix titha (also katititha, late, forkatithA); and, it is said, from other
words meaning a number or collection^ as gai^ puffa* saihgha; butnos«
such are quotable.

1243. Of diminutive suffixes there are none in Sanskrit with
clearly developed meaning and use. The occasional employment of
ka, in a somewhat indistinct way, to make diminutives, has be«i
noticed above (1222).

1244. Of the ordinary adjective-making suffixes, given above,
some occasionally make adjectives from adjectives, with slight or
imperceptible modification of value. The only one used to any con-
siderable extent in this way is ka: as to which, see 1222.



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479 Stems in tara, tama, tha, taya, ti, na, tana etc. [ — 1246

1246. A few suffixes are used to make deriyatives from certain
limited and special classes of words, as numerals and particles. Thus :

&• 7m taya makes a few adjectives meaning of so many divi-
sions or kinds (used in the neuter as collectives), from numerals:
thus, 6kataya (MS.), dvitaya, tritaya* o&tn^taya (AV.), ^aftaya (KB.:
with external combination), aapt&taya (QB.), a^ffttaya (AB.), d&^ataya
(RY.), bah^taya (TS.). Their fem. is in -yl

b. rd tya makes a class of adjectives from particles: e. g. nftya
oum, lii^^Ytk foreign^ amitsra companion, etc. As the examples show,
the accent of the primitive is retained. The fem. is in -ty&.

o. The other quotable examples are: &patya, ftvlftyft^ 8&natya»
antastya, anyata8tya-» tataatya, kutastya, atratya, tatratya, ya-
tratya, kutratya, ihatya, upatya, adhitya» prfttaatya, dakigiiyfttyft
(instead of which, the regular form, is generally found dfik^ii^tyftt appa-
rently a further VTddhi-derlTatlTe from it: as if belonging to the southern'
ers^j and pft^cftttya and pfturastya (of a similar character: these three
last are said by the grammarians to be accented on the final, as is proper
for vrddhi-deriTatives); apty& and ftpty& perhaps contain the same suffix.
In antaatya and prfttaatya is seen external combination.

d. The y of tya is in RY. always to be read as 1 after a heavy
eylUble.

e. cT ta forms ekatd, dvltd, and trit&» also muhtlrt& moment,
and apparently avat& weU (for water).

f. With ^ na are made ptirSi^ ancient, vifii^ various, and
perhaps samftni like,

g. With cH tana or (in a few cases) ^ tna are made adjectives
trom adverbs, nearly always of time: e. g. pratn& andeni, ntitana
or nAtna present, aanftt&na or aan&tna lasting, divfttana of the day,
^v&Btana of tomorrow, hyastana of yesterday. The accent is various.
The feminine is in ni.

li. The other quotable examples are: agretana, adyatana, adhu-
XLftt&na, idaihtana, idSniditana, etarhitana, oiraiiitana» tad&niiii-
tana, doffttana, purfttana, prftktana, prfttast&na, sad&tana, sft-
yaxiit&na; from adverbs of place, adhastana, arvfiktana, uparitana,
kutaatana; — with tna, paraatftttna, puraatattna. A further vrddhi-
derivative, with equivalent meaning, nftutana (cf. above, c), occurs late.
In PB. is once found tvattana belonging to thee.

i. Besides the obvious cases, of an assimilated final m before this
suffix, we bave external combination in prfttast&na.

j' ^cT vat makes from particles of direction the feminine nouns
mentioned above (883 k, 1).

k« ^ kata» properly a noun in composition, is reckoned by the



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1245—] XVUL CoHPOsmoK. 490

grammariaAfl as a suffix, in atka(a» nilcata* praJtota, vikaita (BY.,
once, Yoc.}, and aamkat^ (all said to be accented on tbe finat).

1. A suffix vana is perhaps to be seen in iiivaii4» pr»7iu^; —
and fila in antarftla.

m. Occasional derivatiyes made with the ordinary mifixes ef
primary and secondary derivation from numerals and particles have
been noted above: thus, see ana (1160n), td (1157h), ant (1178i^,
u (11781), a (19091), ka (12220), nina (1224c), maya (1225a)« vant
(12386).



CHAPTER XVm.



FORMATION OF COMPOUND STEMS.

1246. Thb frequent combination of declinable stems
with one another to form compounds which then axe treated
as if simple, in respect to accent, inflection, and construc-
tion, is a conspicuous feature of the language, &om it«
earliest period.

a. There is, however, a marked difference between the earlier
and the later langnage as regards the length and intricacy of the
combinations allowed. In Veda and Brahmana, it is quite raro fkU
more than two stems are compounded together — except that to tone
mnch nsed and familiar compound, as to an integral word, a forthtf
element is sometimes added. Bot the later the period, and, especiallyr
the more elaborate the style, the more a cumbrous and difficult aggre*
gate of elements, abnegating the advantages of an inflective language,
takes the place of the due syntactical union of formed words into
sentences.

1247. Sanskrit compounds fall into three principal
classes :

I. a. Copulative or agg^^^tive compounds, of which
the members are syntically coordinate: a joining together
into one of words which in an uncompounded oonditton
woiild be connected by the conjunction and (larely or).



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481 Classbs of Compounds. [—1847

b. Bxamples are: {ndrftvAru^Au Indra and Varuna^ satySiqrt^
irtUh and falsehood, Iqptftkft&m done and undone, devagan dharvamft-
nuforagarftk^aBfta gods and Oandharvas tmd men and serpents and
demons.

c« The memberi of bucIi a compound may obvionily be of any num-
ber, two or more than two. No compound of any other class can contain
more than two members — of which, howeTer, either or both may be com-
pound, or decompound (below, 1248).

U. d. Determinative compounds, of which the fonner
member is syntactically dependent on the latter, as its
determining or qualifying adjunct: being either, 1. a noun
(or pronoun} limiting it in a case-relation, or, 2. an adjective
or adverb describing it. And, according as it is the one
or the other, are to be distinguished the two sub-classes:
A. Dependent compounds; and B. Descriptive com-
pounds. Their difference is not an absolute one.

e. Examples are: of dependent compounds, amitraseni army of
enemies, pftdodaka water for the feet, fijrurda life-giving, h&etajqfta
made with the hands; of descriptive compounds, inaharff{ great sage, priya-
sakhi dear friend, amftra enemy, sulq^a well done,

t. These two classes are of primary value ; they have undergone
no umfying modification in the process of composition; their charac-
ter as parts of speech is determined by their final member, and they
Are capable of being resolved into equivalent phrases by giving the
proper independent form and formal means of connection to each
member. That is not the case with the remaining class, which accor-
dingly is more fundamentally distinct from them than they are from
one another.

in. g. Secondary adjective compounds, the value

of which is not given by a simple resolution into their

eomponent parts, but which, though having as final member

a. noun, are themselves adjectives. These, again, are of two

0^ab-classes: A, Possessive compounds, which are noun-

oompounds of the preceding class, with the idea of possess-

iTM^g added, turning them * from nouns into adjectives ;

^ « Compounds in which the second member is a noun syn-

f^^xstically dependent on the first: namely, 1. Prepositional

compounds, of a governing preposition and following noun ;

Whitney, Onmmftr. 8. ed. 31



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1247—] XVni. Composition. 482

2* Participial compounds (only Vedic), of a present par-
ticiple and its following object.

h. The snb-claBs B. is comparatively small, and its second divisioD
(participial componnds) is hardly met with even in the later Yedie.

i. Examples are: vfrasena possessing a hero-army ^ praJakSma
having desire of progeny ^ ttgm&^pflga sharphomed, h&rltasraj tpearimg
green garlands \ ati]nfttr& excessive'^ yavay & ddveyus driving awm/
enennes,

j. The adjectiTO compounds are, like simple a^Jectlres, liable to be
nsed, especially in the neater, as abstract and coUectiTe nonns, and in the
accnsative as adverbs; and ont of these uses have grown apparent spedil
classes of compounds, reckoned and named as such by the Hindu gna*
marians. The relation of the olaseiflcation given above to that presented im
the native grammar, and widely adopted from the latter by the European
grammars, will be made clear as we go on to treat the classes in detail.

1248. A compound may, like a simple word, become a
member in another compound, and this in yet another —
and so on, without definite limit. The analysis of any
compound, of whatever length (unless it be a copulatiTe),
must be made by a succession of bisections.

a. Thus, the dependent oomponnd pfbryajanmalqrta done in a previous
existence is first divisible into k^^ and the descriptive pQrv^amnmiit
then this into its elements; the dependent sakalanlti^fistratattvajlU
knowing the essence of aU books of behavior has first the root-stem Jfia
(for Vjftft) knowing separated ftom the rest, which is again dependent 9 t&»
this is divided into tattva essence and the r^alnder, which is descriptive;
this, again, divides into sakala all and nitt^ftBtra books of behavior, of
which the latter is a dependent compound and the former a possestive (sa
and kalft having its parts together).

1249. a. The final of a stem is combined with the initial
of another stem in composition according to the general
rules for external combination: they have been given, with
their exceptions, in chap. III., above.

b. If a stem has a distinction of strong and weak formSs
it r^ularly enters into composition as prior member in its
weak form; or, if it has a triple distinction (Sll), in iu
middle form.



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483 Form of Prior Mbmbbr of Compound. [—1260

o. That is, especially, stems in x or ar» at or ant, ao or a£ko, etc.,
show in composition the forms in x» c^t, ao, etc.; while those in an
and in usually (exceptions sometimes occnr, as v^^i^^i, vrvc^-
▼as&) lose their final n, and are combined as if a and i were their
proper finals.

d. As in secondary derivation (1208 d), so also as prior member of
a compound, a stem sometimes shortens its final long yowel (osnally I, rare-
ly &): thas, in Y., rodasipri, p^ptliivi^tl^i, p^thivi^&d, dh^pftta,
dliSraTSk&; in B., p)*thivi-dft, -bhfiga, -loki, sarasTatllq^a, senft-
nigrSma^yftii ; In S., garbhiniprftya^citta, s&xnidhenipr&ifa, vas-
at^vaiipariharai^, ekftda^inilinga, prapharvidft, devatalak^a]^,
deratapradhftnatva; later, devakinandana, lakfaUvardhana, ku-
mftridatta, i^takacita, etc.

e. Occasionally, a stem is. nsed as prior member of a compound which



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