William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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independent words; and if an initial vowel of a following word has coalesced
with a final of the preceding, this will be indicated by an apostrophe —
single if the initial vowel be the shorter, doable if it be the longer, of the
two different initials which in every case of combination yield the same result.

127. An a- vowel combines with a following i-vowel to
^ e; with an u-vowel, to 5JT o; with S T, to ^ ar; with

5T I (theoretically), to 55^ al; with ^ e or^ 5i, to^ 51; with "^^^ M "*
3^1 o or a|t fiu, to 3tt fiu. Examples are: ,/

(\^^ rSjendra (rSja-indra);

J^rTlM^W : hitopade9atL (hita-upade9atL] ;
t/ Hc^Rl : maharfi^ (maha-r9i]|;L);

^ 8&i 'va (sS-f-eva);

^IstUUH TSjSi9varyam (rSja-fti9VMryam);

f^cJJc+iH: divSukasa^ (divS-okasa^);

^ V NMM j varSu^adham (jvara-Su^adham).

a. In the Vedic texts, the vowel y is ordinarily written unchanged
after the a-vowei, which, if long, is shortened: thus, maha^^i^ instead of
maharfi^. The two vowels, however, are usually pronounced as one syllable.

b. When successive words like indra & ihi are to be combined, the
first combination, to indrft, is made first, and the result is indre " 'hi
(not indr&l " 'hi, from indra e 'hi).

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128—] III. Euphonic Combination. 44

128. As regards the accent of these vowel combinations, it ia
to be noticed that, 1. as a matter of course, the union of acute with
acute yields acute, and that of grave with grave yields grave ; that
of circumflex with circumflex cannot occur; 2. a circumflex with
following acute yields acute, the final grave element of the former
being raised to acute pitch; a grave with following acute does the
same, as no upward slide of the voice on a syllable is acknowledged
in the language; but, 3. when the former of the fused elements is
acute and the latter grave, we might expect the resulting syllable
to be in general circumflex, to represent both the original tones.
Panini in fact allows this accent in every such case; and in a single
accentuated Brahmana text (QB.), the circumflex is regularly written.
But the language shows, on the whole, an indisposition to allow the
circumflex to rest on either long vowel or diphthong as its sole basis,
and the acute element is suffered to raise the other to its own level
of pitch, making the whole syllable acute. The only exception to
this, in most of the texts, is the combination of { and i, which be-
comes i: thus, divi Va, from divf iva; in the Taittirlya texts alone
such a case follows the general rule, while a and u, instead, make
a: thus, Budgfttft from Bu-udg&tft.

129. The i-vowels, the u-vowels, and S y, before a
dissimilar vowel oi a diphthong, are regularly converted each
into its own corresponding semivowel, IT y or cf y or ^ r.
Examples are:

^rill«t ity aha (iti + ftha);
niijci madhv iva (madhu+iva);
ii^slif duhitrarthe (dtihitr-art£ef;
^CfHT Btry asya (strl+aBya):
c(^ vadhvSi (vadhtL-Si).

a. But in internal combination the i and u-vowels are not seldom
changed instead to iy and uv — and this especially in monosyllables,
or after two consonants, where otherwise a group of consonants
difficult of pronunciation would be the result. The cases will be
noticed. below, in explaining inflected forms.

b. A radical i-vowel is converted into y even before i in perfect
tense-inflecUon: so ninsrima (nini+ima).

o* In a few sporadic cases, i and u become iy and uv OTon in word-
composition: e. g., triyavi (tri + avi), viyafiga (vi + a&ga), Buvita
(BU + ita): compare 1204 b» c.

d. Not very seldom, the same word (especially as found in dlfTerent
texts of the older language) has more than one form, showing Tarions treatment

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45 VowHL Combination. [—181

of an i- or n-vowel : e. g. Bvkr or Buvar, tanv^ or tanuve* budhnyk
or budhnfyay riltry&i or rttriyfti. For the most part, doubtless, these
are ooly two vtys of writiog the same pronanciatioii, su-ar» budhnfa,
and so on ; and the disoordance has no other importance, historical or phonetic.
There is more or less of this difference of treatment of an i- or u-element
after a consonant in all periods of the language.

e. In the older langnage, there is a marked difference, in respect to
the frequency of Towel-combination for ayoiding hiatus as compared with
that of non-combination and consequent hiatus, between the class of cases
where two yowel-sounds, similar or dissimilar, woold coalesce into one (126,
127) and that where an 1- or u-Towel would be converted into a semi-
vowel. Thus, in word-composition, the ratio of the cases of coalesced vowels
to those of hiatus are in RV. as five to one. In AV. as nineteen to one,
while the cases of semivowel-conversion are in RY. only one in twelve, in
AV. only one in five; in sentence-combination, the cases of coalescence
are in both RY. and AY. about as seven to one, while those of semivowel-
conversion are in RY. only one in fifty, in AY. one in five.

f* For certain cases of the loss or assimilation of i and a before y and
V respectively, see 233 a.

130. As regards the accent — here, as in the preceding case
(128), the only combination requiring notice is that of an acute 1- or
a- vowel with a following grave: the result is circnmflex; and snch
cases of circumflex are many times more frequent than any and all
others. Examples are:

oUf^J vyu^tl (vi-urti); ^5P-Mt[(h abhy&roati;
7{^ nadyftu (nadi-ftu);

ftsfe" flvifta (su-i^ta); rF^?T tanvis (tand-w).

a. Of a similar combination of acute f with following grave, only a
single case has been noted in accented texts: namely, vij&fttr ^t&t (i. e.
VJJfi&t^ et&t: (^B, xiv. 6. 8ii); the accentuation is in accordance with the
rules for i and u.

181. Of a diphthong, the final i- or u-element is changed

to its corresponding semivowel, tr y or cf v, before any vowel

or diphthong: thus, ^ e (really ai: 28 a) becomes Wi ay,

and ^ o (that is, au: 28 a) becomes iER av; ^ fti becomes

mcr Ay, and ^^ Su becomes SR? ftv.

a. No change of accent, of course, occurs here; each original
syllable retains its syllabic identity, and hence also its own tone.

b. Examples can be given only for internal combination, since in external
combination there are farther changes: see the next paragraph. Thus,

^ naya (ne-a); ^M nSya (nSi-a);

Her bhava (bho-a); yrm bh&va (bhSu-a).

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132—] ni. Euphonic Combination. 46

182. In external combination, we have the important
additional rule that the semivowel resulting from the con-
version of the final element of a diphthong is in general
dropped; and the resulting hiatus is left without further

188. That is to say, a final ^ e (the most frequent
case] becomes simply ^ a before an initial vowel (except
^ a: see 186, below), and both then remain unchanged;
and a final ^ 5i, in like manner, becomes (everywhere)
qr 5. Thus,

rT**MIHI: ta Sgatftl)^ (te + 5gat51;i);

RTT^ ^ nagara iha (nagare + iha);

cTFTT **(<(IH tasmS adadSt (tasmSi + ftdadSt) ;

{HMI >ifhH striyS uktam (striySi + uktam).

a. The later grammarians allow the y in such combinations to he either
retained or dropped; bat the uniform practice of the manuscripts, of eyery
age, in accordance with the strict requirement of the Yedlc grammars
(Prati9akhyas), is to omit the semiyowel and leave the hiatus.

b. The persistence of the hiatus caused by this omission is a plain
indication of the comparatively reeent loss of the intervening consonantal

c. Instances, however, of the a7oidance of hiatus by combination of the
remaining final vowel with the following initial according to the osual rules
are met with in every period of the language, from the RV. down; but
they are rare and of sporadic character. Compare the similar treatment of
the hiatus after a lost final 8, 176-7.

d. For the peculiar treatment of this combination in certain cases by
the MS., see below, 176 d.

134. a. The diphthong o (except as phonetic alteration of final
as: see 176 a) is an anasnal final, appearing only in the stem go
(361 o), in the yoc. sing, of u-stems (341), in words of which the
final a is combined with the particle u, as atho, and in a few inter-
jections. In the last two classes it is uncombinable (below, 138o,f};
the vocatives sometimes retain the v and sometimes lose it (the
practices of different texts are too different to be briefly sUted); go
(in composition only) does not ordinarily lose its final element, but
remains gav or go. A final as becomes a, with following hiatus,
before any vowel save a (for which, see the next paragraph).

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47 Vowel Combination. [—136

b. The cf V of SBR? ftv from ^ Su is usually Tetained:

rllcM tftv eva (tau+eva);

3Hlic(-^ilUl ubhSv indr&gnl (ubhSu + indrftgnl).

c. In the older languAge, however, it is in some texts dropped be-
fore an U-Yowel: thus, ta ubhftu; in other texts it is treated like fti, or
loses its u-element before every initial vowel: thos, ta ev&, ubht in-

186. After final ^ e or 3^ o, an initial ^ a disappears.

a* The resulting accent is as if the a were not dropped, but
rather absorbed into the preceding diphthong, having its tone duly
represented in the combination. If, namely, the e or o is grave or
circnmflex and the a acute, the former becomes acute; if the e or
o is acute and the a grave, the former becomes circumflex, as usu-
ally in the fusion of an acute and a grave element If both are
acute or both grave, no change, of course, is seen in the result.
Examples are:

^ vJSlcp? te *bruvan (ti abruvan);
nt ^J5^cftrT BO 'bravit (sdl)^ abravTt);
l^fHdoyl >rfn: hinsitavyo *gni^^ (hifisitavya^ agnil^);
yi^-^il vS'sIoJIh yid indro 'bravit (ydd indral)^ dbravit);
mrRFOT >^s|41h y4d r&jany6 'bravit (ydd rSjanyd^

b. As to the use of the avagraha sign in the case of snch an elision,
see above, 16. In transliteration, the reversed apostrophe, or rough breath-
ing, will be used in this work to represent it.

C. This elision or absorption of Initial a after flnal e or o, which in
the later language is the invariable rule, is in the Veda only an occasional
occurrence. Thus, in the RV., out of nearly 4500 instances of such an
initial a, it is, as the metre shows, to be really omitted only about seventy
times; in the AY., less than 300 times out of about 1600. In neither
work is there any accordance in respect to the combination in question
between the written and spoken form of the text: in RV., the a is (as
written) elided in more than three quarters of the cases; in AY., in about
two thirds; and in both texts it is written in a number of instances where
the metre requires its omission.

d. In a few cases, an initial ft is thus elided, especially that of

e. To the rules of vowel combination, as above stated, there
are certain exceptions. Some of the more isolated of these will be

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186—] III. Euphonic Combination. 48

noticed where they come up in the processes of inflection etc.; a few
require mention here.

186. In internal combination:

a. The augment a makes with the initial vowel of a root the
combinations fti, fiu, fir (vrddhi-vowels: 286), instead of e» o» ar
fgu^a-vowels), as required by 127: thus, ftita (a + ita) fiubhnfit
(a+ublmftt)» ftrdhnot (a+r^hiiot)-

b. The final o of a stem (1208 a) becomes av before the suffix ya
(originally la: 1210 a).

o. The final Towel of a Btem is often dropped when a secondary suffix
is added (1208 a).

d. For the weakening and loss of radical Towels, and for certain inser-
tions, see below, 240 £f., 257-8.

187. In external combination:

a. The final a or & of a preposition, with initial ^ of a root, makes
fir instead of ar: Thus, firohati (&-hrohati), avfirchati (ava+rchati)»
upfir^ati (^B.: upa+r^ati; but AY. upaxi|anti).

b. Instances are occasionally met with of a final a or fi beiug lost
entirely before initial e or o: thus, in verb-forms, Kv* efyfimas Afi.,
up' e^atu etc AV.; in derivatives, as upetavya, upetf; in compounds,
as da^oni* yathetam» and (permissibly) compounds with o^fha (not rare),
otu (not quotable), odaiia» as adharo^tha or adhar&u^thay tilodana
or tilftadana-, and even in sentence-combination, as !▼* etayas* a^vln'
eva, yath' ooi^e (all RY.), tv* eman and tv* odman B.; and always
with the exclamation om or oiiik&ra.

o. The form uh from y^vah sometimes makes the heavier or v^dhi
(285) diphthongal combination with a preceding a-vowel: thus, prfiu<}hi»
akQftuhi]^ (from pra + Hijihi. etc.).

138. Certain final vowels, moreover, are uncombinable
(pragrhya), or maintain themselves unchanged before any
following vowel. Thus,

a. The vowels i, u and e as dual endings, both of declen-
sional and of conjugational forms. Thus, bandhu fisftte im&u; glri

b. The pronoun ami (nom. pi: 501); and the Vedic pronominal
forms a8m6, yu^m^, tv6 (402 a).

o. A final o made by combination of a final a-vowel with the particle
u (1122 b): thus, atho» mo» no.

d. A final i of a Vedic locatiye case from an i-stem (886 f).

e. A protracted final vowel (78).

f. The final, or only, vowel of an interjection, as aho» he» &, U u.

g. The older language shows occasional exceptions to these rules : thus,
a dual I combined with a following i, as ni^&ti *va; an a elided after o,
as iktho *ai\ a locative i turned into a semivowel, as v6dy asyibn.

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49 Permittbd Finals. [—141

Permitted Finals.

189. The sounds allowed to occur as finals in Sanskrit
words standing by themselves (not in euphonic combination
with something following] are closely limited^ and those
which would etymologically come to occupy such a position
are often variously altered, in general accordance with their
treatment in other circumstances, or are sometimes omitted

a. The variety of consonants that would ever come at the end of either
an inflected form or a derivative stem in the language is very small : namely,
in forms, only t (or d), n, m, 8; in derivative stems, only t, d, n, r, 8
(and, in a few rare words, j). But almost all consonants occur aa finals
of roots; and every root is liable to be found, alone or as last member of
a compound, in the character of a declined stem.

140. All the vowel sounds, both simple and diphthongal,
may be sounded at the end of a word.

a. But neither f nor I ever actually occurs; and ^ is rare (only as
neuter sing, of a stem in x or ar, or as final of such a stem in composition).

Thus, {ndra» QivdyS, &kftri, nadl, datu» oamd» Janayitf» &gne,
^iviyfti, vayo, agn&u. >^

141. Of the non-nasal mutes, only the first in each series,

the non-aspirate surd, is allowed; the others — surd aspirate,

and both sonants — whenever they ly^ould etymologically

occur, are converted into this.

Thus, agnim&t for agnim&th» suh^ for suhf d, virut for virudh,
triiitdp for trif ^bh. . /

a. In a few roots, when their final (sonant aspirate) thus
loses its aspiration, the original sonant aspiration of the
initial reappears: compare ^ h, below, 147.

Thus, dagh becomes dhak, budh becomes bhut, and so on.
The roots exhibiting this change are stated below, 166.

b. There was some question among the Hindu grammarians as to
whether the final mute is to be estimated as of surd or of sonant quality;
but the great weight of authority, and the invariable practice of the manu-
scripts, favor the surd.

Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 4

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142—] III. Euphonic Combination. 50

142. The palatals, however, form here (as often else-
where) an exception to the rules for the other mutes. No
palatal is allowed as final. The ^ o reverts (48) to its
original SR k: thus, ofl^ vSk, ^«^|i|oh aiihomuk. The W oh
(only quotable in the root ^^ praeh) becomes Z t- thus,
^n?r prSf. The sT j either reverts to its original guttural oi
becomes 7 t, in accordance with its treatment in other com-
binations (219): thus, ftqcR bhi^ak, f^^l^ virSt. The ^ jh
does not occur, but is by the native grammarians declared
convertible to Z t-

148. Of the nasals, the ^ m and ^ n are extremely
common, especially the former (IT ni and H b are of all final
consonants the most frequent); the QI qi is allowed, but is
quite rare; ^ ft is found (remaining after the loss of a fol-
lowing gR k) in a very small number of words (886 b, o,
407 a); t^fi never occurs.

a. But the final m of a root is changed to n (compare 212 a,
below) : thus, akran from kram, &gan, ajagan» aganlgan from gam,
inftn from nam, ayftn from yam, pra9&n from 9am ; no other cases
are quotable.

144. Of the semivowels, the cT 1 alone is an admitted
final, and it is very rare. The ^ ^ ^ (^^^ ^^ nearest surd
correspondent, H s: 145) changed as final to visarga. Of
IT y and cf v there is no occurrence.

145. Of the sibilants, none may stand unaltered at the
end of a word. The H 8 (which of all final consonants
would otherwise be the commonest) is, like ^ r, changed to
a breathing, the visarga. The ^ 9 either reverts (48) to its
original ^ k, or, in some roots, is changed to ^ t ("^ accor-
dance with its changes in inflection and derivation: see
below, 218): thus, f^ dik, but fsRT vit. The ^9 is like-
wise changed to Z %: thus, ^TFRT prSvrt.

a. The change of Q to f is of rare occurrence : see below, 226 d.

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51 Pbbmittbd Finals. [—160

b. Final radical s is said by the grammariant to be obanged to t ; but
no sue example of tbe cooTorslon is quotable: see 168; and compare
555 a.

146. The compound ^ k^ is prescribed to be treated
as simple ^ ? (not becoming of) k by ISO, below) . But
the case is a rare one, and its actual treatment in the older
language irregular.

a. In tbe only RV. cases where tbe kf has a qoasi-radical character —
namely aniik from an&kf, and &myak from ymyakf — tbe conTorsion
is to k. Also, of fonns of tbe s-aorist (see 890), we baye adhSk. aarftk,
arftiky etc (for adhftk^-t etc.); bat also aprftf, ay&t> av&t» aarftt (for
aprakf-t etc.). And RV. has twice ayfis from ^yaj, and AY. twice erfts
from ysfj (wrongly referred by BR. to )/8ra&B), both 2d sing., where the
personal ending has perhaps crowded ont tbe root-final and tense-sign.

b. Tbe numeral faf iix is perhaps better to be regarded as ^akf, with
its ki} treated as 9, according to the accepted rule.

147. The aspiration ^ h is not allowed to maintain
itself, but (like sT j and ^ 9) either reverts to its original
guttural form, appearing as qF k, or is changed to Z t —
both in accordance with its treatment in inflection: see
below, 222. And, also as in inflection, the original sonant
aspiration of a few roots (given at 155 b) reappears when their
final thus becomes deaspirated. Where the ^ h is from
original ? dh (228 g), it becomes cT t.

148. The visarga and anusvara are nowhere etymolog-
ical finals; the former is only the substitute for an original
final H 8 or ^ r; the latter occurs as final only so far as
it is a substitute for IT m (218 h).

149. Apart from the vowels, then, the usual finals,
nearly in the order of their frequency, are : ^ IT m, ^n,
H t, e|) k, ^ p, 7 t; those of only sporadic occurrence are
:? ft, ^ 1, in ^; and, by substitution, - lii.

150. In general, only one consonant, of whatever kind,
is allowed to stand at the end of a word; if two or more
would etymologically occur there, the last is dropped, and
again the last, and so on, till only one remains.


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150—] III. Euphonic Combination. 52

a. Thus, tudantB becomes tudant, and this tudan; udafio-B
becomes adafik(142)» and this udaii; and aohftntat (B-aor., 3d sing.,
of yohand [890 b]) is in like manner reduced to aohftn.

b. Bat a non-nasal mate, if radical and not suffixal, is retained
after r: thus, iA from urj, vktk from yvi^i» avart from yvxt, 4mfirt
from ymfjy soh&rt from suhftrd. The case is not a common one.

c. For relics of former doable finals, preserred by the later language
under the disguise of apparent euphonic combinationB, see helow, 207 ff.

161. Anomalous couTersions of a final mute to one of another class
are occasionally met with. Examples are :

a. Of final t to k: thus, 1. in a few words that have assumed a
special value as particles, as Jyok, tfij&k (beside tBikt)^ fdhak (beside
fdhat)» p^ak, drftk; and of kindred character is kh&dagd&nt (TA.);

2. in here and there a verbal form, as sftvi^ak (AV. and VS. Kan.),
dambhi^ak (Apast), avi^yak (ParaskOt filialak (VS. MS.; ^ ftharat);

3. in root-finals or the t added to root-stems (883 e), as -dh^k for -dh^
(Sutras and later) at the end of compounds, BU^ruk (TB.), PlT^^u (SV.);
and 4. we may further note here the anomalous efikf va (AB. ; for intava,
l/idh) and avfikaam (AB.), and the feminines in kni from masculines
in ta (1176 d).

b. Of final d or t to a lingual: thus, pad in Vedie pa^bhia,
p&<3lgrbhi, p&<jlbi9a; upfinA<jLbhy&m (gB.); vy avftf (MS. iii. 4. 9}
j/vaa shine), and perhaps &p& *r9.\ (MS.; or ^raj?).

o. Of k or J to t, in an isolated example or two, as samyAt, ^uqpt,
vi^vaaft (TS. K.), and pray&teu (VS. Ts.; AV. -k^u).

d. In Taittlriya texts, of the final of anu^tubh and triftubh to a
guttural: as, anuftuk oa» tri^tugbhia^ anu^tugbhyaa.

e. Of a labial to a dental: in kakdd for and beside kaki&bh; in
saihstdbhis (TS.) from )/Bn>; and in adbhis, adbhy&a, from ap or
ftp (393). Excepting the first, these look like cases of dissimilation; yet
examples of the combination bbh are not very rare in the older language :
thus, kakabbhyftm» triftubbhis, kakubbha]^<}A» anuffub bhi.

f. The forms pratidhu^aa, -9ft (Taittlriya texts) from pratidoli are
isolated anomalies.

162. For all the processes of external combination —
that is to say, in composition and sentence-collocation —
a stem-final or word-final is in general to be regarded aa
having, not its etymological form, but that given it by the
rules as to permitted finals. From this, however, are to be
excepted the s and r: the various transformations of these
sounds have nothing to do with the visarga to which as

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53 Dbaspiration. [—165

finals before a pause they have — doubtless at a com-
paiatively recent period of phonetic history — come to be
reduced. Words will everywhere in this work be written
with final or r instead of l)^; and the rules of combination
will be stated as for the two more original sounds, and not
for the visarga.


168. An aspirate mute is changed to a non-aspirate
before another non-nasal mute or before a sibilant; it stands
unaltered only before a vowel or semivowel or nasal.

a. Such a case can only arise in internal combination, since the
proeeeses of external combination presuppose the redaction of the aspirate
to a non-aspirate sard (162).

b. Practically, also, the rales as to changes of aspirates concern
almost only the sonant aspirates, since the sard, being of later deyelopment
and rarer occorrence, are hardly ever foand in sitaations that call for their

164. Hence, if such a mute is to bb doubled, it is
doubled by prefixing its own corresponding non-aspirate.

a. Bat in the manascripts, both Yedic and later, an aspirate mute
is not seldom found written double — especially, if it be one of rare occur-
rence: for example (RV.), aUikhali» jUl\)liati

166. In a few roots, when a final sonant aspirate (C|
gh, q[^dh, H^bh; also ^ h, as representing an original ^ gh)
thus loses its aspiration, the initial sonant consonant (7f g
or ^ d or Sf b) becomes aspirate.

a. That is to say, the original initial aspirate of such roots is restored,
-when its presence does not interfere with the euphonic law, of comparatiyely
recent origin, which (in Sanskrit as in Qreek) forbids a root to both begin
and end with an aspirate.

b. The roots which show this peculiar change are:
in gh — dagh;

in h (for original gh) — dah, dih, duh, druh» df^ guh ; and
also grah (in the later desideratiye Jigh^kfa);

in dh — bandh, bftdh» budh;

in bh — dabh (but only in the later desideratiye dhipsa for which
the older language has dipsa).

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165—] III. Euphonic Combination. 54

o. The same change appears when the law as to finals causes the loss
of the aspiration at the end of the root: see above, 141.

d. But from dah^ duh, druh, and guh are found in the Yeda
also forms without the restored initial aspirate: thus, dakfat; adaki^at;

Online LibraryWilliam Dwight WhitneyA Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana → online text (page 7 of 59)