William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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duduk^a etc.; Jugukfa; mitradruk.

e. The same analogy is followed by dadh, the abbreviated substitute
of the present-stems dadhft, from ydhft (667), in some of the forms of
conjugation: thus, dhatthas from dadh + thas, adhatta from adadh-}-
ta» adtiaddhvam from adadh+dhvam, etc.

f. No case is met with of the throwing back of an aspiration upon
combination with the 2d sing. impv. act. ending dhi: thus, diigdhl,
daddhi (RV.), but dhugdhvam, dhaddhvam.

Surd and Sonant Assimilation.

156. Under this head^ there is especially one very -marked
and important difference between the internal combinations
of a root or stem with suffixes and endings, and the external
combinations of stem with stem in composition and of word
with word in sentence-making: namely —

157. a. In Internal combination, the initial vowel or

semivowel or nasal of an ending of inflection or derivation

exercises no altering influence upon a final consonant of the

root or stem to which it is added.

b. To this rule there are some exceptions : thus, some of the deriyatives
noted at 111 d; final d of a root before the participial suffix na (957 d);
and the forms noted below, 161 b.

o. In external combination, on the other hand, an initial

sonant of whatever class, even a vowel or semivowel or

nasaJ, requires the conversion of a final surd to sonant.

d. It has been pointed out aboye (152) that in the rules of external
combination only admitted finals, along with 8 and r, need be taken
account of, all others being regarded as reduced to these before eombining
with initials.

158. Final vowels, nasals, and ?r 1 are nowhere liable

to change in the processes of surd and sonant assimilation.

a. The r, however, has a corresponding surd in b, to which it is
sometimes changed in external combination, under circumstances that
favor a surd utterance (178).

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55 AssuaLATiON. [—161

150. With the exceptions above stated, the collision

of surd and sonant sounds is avoided in combinations —

and, r^^nlarly and usually, by assimilating the final to the

following initial, (or by regressive assimilation.

Thus, in internal combination: ktsi, &tti, atth&8» att4 (>^ad +
si etc) ; ^agdhl, 9agdhv&m (/9ak + dhietc.) ;— in external combination,
ibhud ay&m, Jy6g Jiva, ^^ a^it&ya^, triftub &pi, dig-gaja, fa^-
ahkt arc&d-dhuma, brh&d-bhftnu, ab-J&.

160. If, however, a final sonant aspirate of a root is

followed by cT t or ST th of an ending, the assimilation is in

the other direction, or progressive : the combination is made

sonant, and the aspiration of the final (lost according to 163,

above] is transferred to the initial of the ending.

Thns, gh with t or th becomes gdh; dh with the same becomes
ddh, as baddh& ()/budh + ta)» ruddhitB (yrundh -|- thas or tas);
bb with the same becomes bdh, as labdhi (yiabh-f-ta), labdhva

a. Moreover, b, as representing original gb, is treated in the same
manner: thns, dugdb&y d6gdbum from dub — and compare rfifbi
and U^ba from rob and lib, etc., 222 b.

b. In this eombination, as the sonant aspiration is not lost but transferred,
the restoration of the initial aspiration (165) does not take place.

c. In dadb from ydhJBL (165 e), the more normal method is foUowed;
the db is made sard, and the initial aspirated : thns, dbattbas, dbattas.
And BV. has dbaktam instead of dagdbam from /dagb; and TA. has
inttam instead of Inddbftm from yidb.

161. Before a nasal in external combination, a final

mute may be simply made sonant, or it may be still further

assimilated, being changed to the nasal of its own class.

Thus, either tAd nAmas or t&n nAmas, vig me or vafl me» bA<jL
mabin or bAi^ maban, triftub nonAm or tri^tum nUnAm.

a. In practice, the conversion into a nasal is almost invarjably made
in the manuscripts, as, indeed, it is by the Pratioakhyas required and not
permitted merely. Even by the general grammarians it is required in the
compound fAi^J^vati, and before mfttrft, and the suffix maya (1226):
thus, vSfimAyay mfnmAya.

b. Even in internal combination, the same assimilation is made In
some of the derivatives noted at 1 1 1 d, and in the na-partioiples (857 d).
And a few spondio instances are met with even in verb-inflection: thus.

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lei— ] III. Euphonic Combination. 56

Btifinoti, Btiflnuyfit (MS. ; for 8tighn-)» mpinita (L^S. ; foi lafdn.-)^
jSnmayana (KS. ; for jSgm-) ; these, however (like the double aspirates,
154 a), are donhtless to be rejected as false readings.

162. Before 1, a final t Is not merely made sonant, bat fully
asBimilated, becoming 1: thus, t&l labhate, ulluptam.

163. Before ^ h (the case occurs only in external com-
bination], a final mute is made sonant; and then the ^ h
may either remain unchanged or be converted into the
sonant aspirate corresponding with the former: thus, either
rrf^^ tdd hi or rTfe tdd dhi.

a. In practice, the latter method is almost invariably followed ; aod the
grammarians of the Prati9akhya period are nearly unanimous in requiring it.
The phonetic diiference between the two is very slight

Examples are: vig ghut&l^ 9&<Jl4hotft (^at+hotfi), taddhita
(tat + hita), anuftub bhi.

Combinations of final H^s and ^ r.

164. The euphonic changes of H b and ^ r are best
considered together, because of the practical relation of
the two sounds, in composition and sentence-collocation,
as corresponding surd and sonant: in a host of cases H 8
becomes ^ r in situations requiring or favoring the occur-
rence of a sonant; and, much less often, ;^ r becomes H s
where a surd is required.

a. In internal combination, the two are far less exchangeable with
one another: and this class of cases may best be taken up first.

165. Final r radical or quasi-radical (that is, not belonging to
an ending of derivation) remains unchanged before both surd and sonant
sounds, and even before su in declension: thus, pfpar^i, catarth&,
oatiEir^u, ptlrij^u.

166. Final radical b remains before a surd in general, and usu-
ally before s, as in ^assi, 9fi8Bva» fi8Be» ft^I^^u (the last is also
written ft9ihfa: 172): but it is lost in dsi ()/as+8i: 686). Before
a sonant (that is, bh) in declension, it is treated as in external com-
bination: thus, ft^irbhlB. Before a sonant (that is, dh) in conjugation,
it appears to be dropped, at least after long & : thus, ^ftdhi, Qa^&dhi,
oak&dhi (the only quotable cases); in edhf (j/as+dhi: 636) the
root syllable is irregularly altered; but in 2d perss. pi., made with
dhvam, as ftdhvam, 9&dhvam» ar&dhvam (881 a)» vadhvam [Y'vtm

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57 Final s and p. [—169

eMhe]j it is, on account of the equivalonce and interchangeability of
dhv and ddhv (232), impoBsible to say whether the 8 in omitted or
converted into d.

a. Final radical n is very rare; RY. (twice, both 2d pers. sing.) treats
&ghaa from ^^ghas in the same manner at any ordinary word ending
in as.

b. For certain cases of irregnlar loss of the 8 of a root or tense-stem,
see 23d b-e.

167. In a very few cases, final radical a before a is changed to
t (perhaps by dissimilation): they are, from /vas dwell (also sporad-
ically from vas shine, QB., and* vas cloihej Har.)> the future vatsy^bni
and aorist ivatsam; from /ghas, the desiderative stem jfghataa.

a. For t as apparent ending of the 3d sing, in s-verhs, see 655 a.

168. According to the grammarians, the final 8 of certain other rooUi,
used as noan-stems, hecomes t at the end of the word, and hefore bh and
an : thus, dhvas, dhvadbbis, aradbhyas, sratsn. Bnt genuine examples
of such change are not quotable.

a. Sporadic cases of a like conTorsion are found in the Veda : namely,
mfidbbfa and mftdbhy&s from mi»: o^&dbhis from of&a; Bv&tavad-
bhyas ttom ar&tavaa; av&vadbhia etc. (not quotable) from av&vas.
But the actuality of the conversion here Is open to graye douht; it rather
seems the snhstitatlon of a t-stem for a 8-stem. The same Is true of the
change of vftfra to vat in the declension of perfect participles (458). The
stem ^au^TuJcL (404), from anas-vah, is anomaloas and isolated.

b. In the compounds duqohunft (dua-^nnft) and p&ruoohepa
(para8-9epa), the final a of the first memher is treated as if a t (208).

168. As the final consonant of derivative stems and of inflected
forms, both of declension and of conjugation, a is extremely frequent;
and its changes form a subject of first-rate importance in Sanskrit
euphony. The r, on the other hand, is quite rare.

a. The r is found as original final in certain case-forms of stems in
f or ar (368 if.)-, in root^stems in ir and ur from roots in ^ (383b);
in a small number of other stems, as avkr, ihar and Adbar (beside
Allan and ddhan: 430), dvar or dnr, and the Vedic v&dhar, u^ar-,
vasar-y vanar-, ^rutar-* aapar-, aabar-* athar- (cf. 176 o); in a
few particles, as ant&r, prftt&r» punar; and in the numeral oatur
(482 g).

b. The euphonic treatment of a and r yielding precisely the same
result after all vowels except a and &, there are certain forms with regard
to which it is uncertain whether they end In a or r, and opinions diifer
respecting them. Such are ur (or tta) of the gen.-abl. sing, of ^-sterns
(371 o), and ua (or ur) of the 3d plur. of verbs (550 o).

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170—] ni. EuPHOKio Combination. 58

170. a. The H 8, as already noticed (145), becomes
visarga before a pause.

b. It is retained unchanged only when followed by
rT t or ST th, the surd mutes of its own class.

c. Before the palatal and lingual surd mutes — ^^o and
^ eh, 7 t and 7 fh — it is assimilated, becoming the sibilant
of either class respectively, namely ^ 9 or cr f .

d. Before the guttural and labial surd mutes — ofi k and

1^ kh, ^ p and ^ ph — it is also theoretically assimilated,

becoming respectively the jihvSmUlIya and upadhm&nlya

spirants (69); but in practice these breathings are unknown,

and the conversion is to visarga.

Examples are: to b. tatas te» cakfus te; to c. tata9 oa,, tasy&g
chayft; pada? (alati; to d. nala^ kfimam, pmrufalj^ khanati; ya^a^
prfipa, vrkjfatL phalavftn.

171. The first three of these rales are almost universal; to the
last one there are namerous exceptions, the sibilant being retained (or,
by 180, converted into f), especially in compounds; but also, in the
Veda, even in sentence combination.

a. In the Veda, the retention of the sibilant in compoands is the general
rule, the exceptions to which are detailed in the Yedic grammars.

b. In the later language, the retention is mainly determined by the
intimacy or the antiquity and frequency of the combination. Thus, the final
sibilant of a preposition or a word filling the office of a preposition before
a verbal root is wont to be preserved ; and that of a stem before a deriyatlTe
of ykf, before pati, before kalpa and k&ma, and so on. Examples are
namaskara, vftcaspati, ayufk&ma, payaskalpa.

c. The Vedic retention of the sibilant in sentence'Collocation is detailed
in fnll in the Prati9akhyas. The chief classes of cases are: 1. the final of
a preposition or its like before a verbal form; 2. of a genitive before a
governing nonn: as div&8 putr&h» i^&B pad6; 3. of an ablative before
p&ri: as him&vatas p&ri; 4. of other less classifiable cases: as dyftuf
piti, trff piitva» y&s p&ti^, parldhf? p&t6ti» etc.

172. Before an initial sibilant — ^ 9, cr 9, T\ s — H s

is either assimilated, becoming the same sibilant, or it is

changed into visarga.

a. The native grammarians are in some measure at variance (see
APr. ii. 40, note) as to which of these changes should be made, and in

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59 Combinations op Final b. [—176

put ibey allow either at pleatnre. The nsage of the manusoripts is also
diseordant; the eonrerslon to visarga is the preralent practice, thongh the
iibilant is also not infrequently found written, especially in South-Indian
manuscripts.' European editors generally write visarga; but the later
dictionaries and glossaries generally make the alphabetic place of a word the
same as if the sibilant were read instead.

Examples are: manuh svayam or manus svayam; indrah ^Orah
or indra^ ^tirah; tft^ ^a,% or tSf ^af.

173. There are one or two exceptions to these rules:

a. If the initial sibilant has a surd mute after it, the final B may be
dropped altogether — and by some authorities is required to be so dropped.
Thus, vSyava stha or vftyava]^ stha; catustanftm or oatuhatanftm.
With regard to this point the usage of the different manuscripts and editions
is greatly at Taiiance.

b« Before ts, the 8 is allowed to become visarga, instead of being

174. Before a sonant, either vowel or consonant (ex-
cept ^ r: see 179), H s is changed to the sonant ^ r —
unless, indeed, it be preceded by ^ a or 3srr ft.

Examples are: devapatir iva* Qririva; manur gaochati, tanur
apBu; Bvaafr ajanayat; tayor adp^iakftmall^; sarvftir gtugi&ih; agner

a. For a few cases like du4&9a9 d&t^a^ see below, 199 d.

b. The exclamation bhOB (466) loses its s before vowels and sonant
consonants; thus, bho nfiifadha (and the s is sometimes found omitted
also before surds).

c. The endings ^^ as and i^TTH fis (both of which are
extremely common) follow rules of their own, namely:

176. a. Final SBFR as, before any sonant consonant and
before short 35( a, is changed to ^ o — and the 9 a after
it is lost.

b. The resulting accentuation, and the fact that the loss of a is only
occasional in the older language of the Veda, haye been pointed out above,
135 a, o.

Examples are: nalo n&ma, brahma^yo vedavit; manobhava;
hantavyo *8mi; anyonya (anyas -f anya), ya9ort]iam (ya^as-f

e. Final 35|^as before any other vowel than ^ a loses
its H 8, becoming simple ^ a; and the hiatus thus occasion-
ed remains.

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175—] III. Euphonic Combination. (i\ 60

d. That is to say, the o from as is treated as an origloal e is treated
in the same situation: see 13SU3. /

Examples are: b^hada^va uvftoa, ftditya .iva, n&maukti,
v&syaifti. /

176. EzceptioDB to the rales as to final as a^B:

a. The nominative mascnllne pronouns ska anfd e^&s and (Yedic)
sy&8 (496 a, 499 a, b) lose their s before any Unsonant: thus, sa
dadar^a he saw, e^ purufa)^ this man] bat so *bravlt ?ie said,
puru^a ei|^.

b. Instances are met with, both in the earlier and in the later lan-
guage, of effacement of the hiatus after alteration o&as, by combination
of the remaining final a with the following initial vowel; thus, tato
VAca (tatas-f-uv&ca), payof^i (payas +11991% adhfisana (adhas +
asana): compare 133 c, 177 b. In the Veda, such a combination is
sometimes shown by the metre to be required, though the written text has
the hiatus. But sa in RY. is in the great majority of cases combined with
the following vowel: e. g., b6 'd for b& id, sa 'smfti for si asmfti,
sftu 'fadhil^ for si b^adhil^i and similar examples are found also in the
other Yedic texts.

c. Other sporadic irregularities in the treatment of final as occur.
Thus, it is changed to ar instead of o once in RV. in av&s, once in SY.
in ivas (RY. &vo), once in MS. in dambhi^as; in bhuvas (second of
the trio of sacred utterances bhiis, bhuvas, svar), except iu its earliest
occurrences; in a series of words in a Brahmana passage (TS. K.), viz.
jinv&r, ugr&r, bhlm^, tvef4r, ^rut&r, bhtit&r, and (K. only) ptlt&r;
in Janar and maliar; and some of the ar-stems noted at 169 a are perhaps
of kindred character. On the other hand, as is several times changed to o
in RY. before a surd consonant; and s&s twice, and y&s once, retains its
final sibilant in a like position.

d. In MS., the final a left before hiatus by alteration of either as
(o) or 6 (133) is made long if itself unaecented and if the following initial
vowel is accented: thus, sitrft 6ti (from stiras+^ti), nimpyAtft {ndrfiya
(from -yAte+fnd-), and also kftry^ 6ka- (from kftryks, because virtually
kftrias); but ftdity& {ndra^ (from ftdity&s + Indrah), et&ftare (from
et^ + itare).

177. Final sgnH Sa before any sonant, whether Yowel or

consonant, loses its T\ s, becoming simple ^ fi; and a hiatus

thus occasioned remains.

a. The maintenance of the hiatus in these cases, as in that of o and
6 and fti (above, 133-4), seems to indicate a recent loss of the intermediate
sound. Opinions are divided as to what this should have been. Some of
the native grammarians assimilate the case of &s to that of fti, assuming

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61 Combinations op Final r. [—180

the eoDTeiBion to fiy in both alike — but probably only as a matter of
fonnal conyenience iii lole-making.

b. Here, too (as in the timilar caset of e and fti and o: 188 O9
176 b), there are examples to be found, both earlier and later, of effaeement
of the hiatns.

178. Final ^ r, in general, shows the same form which

H 8 would show undei the same conditions.


ak Thus, it becomes vlsarga when final, and a sibilant or viaarga
before an initial surd mate or sibilant (170): thus, mdatS puna^,
dv&B tat, 8va9 oa, oatu^oatvariA^at ; and (lllo,d) prfttast&na,
antaetya* oatu^^aya, dhustva; prftta^ karoti» anta^pftta.

b. But original final r preceded by a or ft maintains itself un-
changed before a sonant: thus, punar eti, pr&tarjit» &kar jyotl^
&har d^unna, vSrdhl.

o. The r is preserved unchanged even before a surd in a number of
Vedic compounds: thus, aharp&ti; svarcanas, sv&rcak^as, svarpati,
srar^a, avar^ati; dhor^fiUl, dhortjah; ptirpati, v&rkary&y a^Irpada,
punartta; and in some of these the r is optionally retained iu the later
language. The RY. also has &var t&mah once in sentence-combination.

d« On the other hand, final ar of the verb-form avar is changed to
o before a sonant in several cases in RY. And r is lost, like s, in one
or two cases in the same text: thus, ak^a (ndti^» &ha ev&.

179. A double r is nowhere admitted: if such would occur, either
by retention of an original r or by conversion of s to r, one r is
omitted, and the preceding vowel, if short, is made long by compen-

Thus, puna ramate, n^pati rlUati» matA rih&n, Jyotiratha»

a. In some Yedic texts, however, there are instances of ar changed to
o before initial r: thus, Bv6 rohava.

Conversion of ^s to ^9.

180. The dental sibilant H s is changed to the lingual
tST 9, if immediately preceded by any vowel save 5f a and
3BrT 5, or by gR k or IJ* r — unless the H s be final, followed
by T r. "

a. The assimilating influence of the preceding lingual vowels and
semiTowel is obyious enough ; that of k and the other rowels appears to
be due to a somewhat retracted position of the tongne in the mouth during

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180—] III. Euphonic Combination. 62

their utterance, cauiing its tip to reach the roof of the month more easily
at a point further back than the dental one.

b. The general Hindu grammar prescribes the same change after a 1
also; but the Prati9akhyas give no such rule, and phonetic considerations,
the 1 being a dental sound, are absolutely against it Actual cases of the
combination do not occur in the older language, nor hare any been pointed
out in the later.

0. The YOwelB that cause the alteration of s to 9 may be called
for brevity's sake "alterant" vowels.

181. Hence, in the interior of a Sanskrit word, the dental s is
not asually found after any vowel save a and ft, but, instead of it
the lingual 9. But —

a. A following r prevents the conversion: thus, usra* tiaras,
taniiBra. And it is but seldom made in the forms and derivatives of
a root containing an r-element (whether r or 7), whatever the position
of that element: thus, sisarti, sisftam, Barl8n>^ tistire, parisrat.
To this rule there are a few exceptions, as vift^, vl9tar&, nf^ffta,
vifpardhae, g&viftl^ft* etc. In aju^ran the final 9 of a root is
preserved even immediately before r.

b. This dissimilating influence of a following r, as compared with
the invariable assimilating influence of a preceding r, is peculiar and prob-

o. The recurrence of 9 in snccessiye syllables is sometimes avoided by
leaving the formers unchanged: thus, sisakfl, but sifakti; yftBisiffliftSy
but yftsiijimahi. Similarly, in certain desiderative formations: see below,
184 e.

d. Other cases are sporadic: RY. has the forms siaioe and sisiouB
(but sificatua), and the stems rbfea* kiBt&» bfaa* btL8&» bfsaya; a
single root pis, with its derivative pesuka. Is found once in QB,; MS.
has mpsm^a; mi^sala begins to be found in AY.; and such cases
grow more numerous; for puiiiB and the roots nifiB and hiiiB, see below,
183 a.

182. On the other hand (as was pointed out above, 62), the
occurrence of 9 in Sanskrit words is nearly limited to cases falling
under this rule: others are rather sporadic anomalies — except where
9 is the product of 9 or k^ before a dental, as is draQfum, ca^t®,
tva^far: see 218, 221. Thus, we find —

6U Four roots, kaQ, la^, bha^, bhfif, of which the last is common
and is found as early as the Brahmanas.

b. Further, in RY., afa* kav&i|fa, ca^&a, c^a, j&lfi^a, p&^ya,
ba^k&ya, v&faf (for vak^atP), kf^^hft; and, by anomalous alteration
of original s» -ffth (turfiflth etc.), ifftijiia, upaftut» and probably apfift^i
and aQtbiv&nt* Such cases grow more common later.

O. The numeral fa^, as already noted (149 b), is more probably fakij^

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63 CONVBRfllON OF 8 TO 9. [—186

183. The nasalization of the alterant vowel — or, in other words,
its being followed by anusv&ra — does not prevent its altering effect
npon the sibilant: thus, haviAfi, partUi^i. And the alteration takes
place in the initial s of an ending after the final 8 of a stem, whether
the latter be regarded as also changed to 9 or as converted into
visarga: thus, haviffu or havil^fu, paru^u or panilj^fu.

a. Bat the 8 of puma (394) remainB unchanged, apparently on
aeoonnt of the retained sense of its value as puma; also that of yhitkf
because of its value as bins (hlnasti etc.); yzdhs (RY. only) is more

184. The principal cases of alteration of a in internal combination
are these:

a. In endings, inflectional or derivative, beginning with a— thns,
8u; Bi» 869 8va; 8 of sibilant-aorist, future, and desiderative; suffixes
ana, bdxl, ay a, etc. — after a final alterant vowel or consonant of root
or stem, or a union- vowel: thus, juhofi, ^ei|^, anftii^am, bhavi^yfiml,
9U9rQfe9 de^ijia* ji^nu, vikfu, akfirfam.

b. The final a of a stem before an ending or suffix: thus: havifft,
havifas, etc., from havia; ^ak^tmmant, ^ocifka, mftntma, manufya,

O. Roots having a final sibilant (except 9) after an alterant vowel are
— with the exception of fictitious ones and pi8» niji8» hifia — regarded as
ending in f, not a; and concerning the treatment of this 9 in combination,
see below, 226-6.

d. The initial a of a root after a reduplication: thus, aifyade,
au^vftpa, aifftaati, ooi|fkQyate, aanifva^t.

e. Excepted is in general an initial radical a in a desiderative stem,
when the desiderative-sign becomes 9: thus, aialr^ati from ye^g aiaaakfati
from yaafiij. And there are other scattering cases, as treaua (perf. from
ytraa), etc.

186. But the same change occurs also, on a considerable scale,
in external combination, especially in composition. Thus:

a. Both in verbal forms and in derivatives, the final 1 or u of a
preposition or other like prefix ordinarily llngualizes the initial a of
the root to which it is prefixed; since such combinations are both of
great frequency and of peculiar intimacy, analogous with those of root
or stem and affix: thus, abhlf^, pratlft^^, nffikta, vi^itek; anu-
9vadh&m» au^ka; the cases are numberless.

b. The principal exceptions are in accordance with the principles
already laid down: namely, when the root contains an r-element, and when
a recurrence of the sibilant would take place. But there are also otheis,
of a more irregular character; and the complete account of the treatment
of initial radical a after a prefix would be a matter of great detail, and not
worth giving here.

Digitized by VjOOQ IC

186-—] III. Euphonic Combination. 64

o. Not infireqoently, the initial a, usually altered after a certain

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