William Dwight Whitney.

A Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana online

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preflx, retains the altered sibilant even after an interposed a of angmeot
or reduplication: thus, aty afth&t* abhy a^thim, pary afa^vajat. vy
a^ahanta, ny aQadfima, nir a^tfl^ftpayan, abhy a^iftcan, vy aQfabh-
nftt; vi ta^the, vi ta^fhire.

d. Much more anomalous is the occasional alteration of initial radical
8 after an a-element of a prefix. Such cases are ava ffambh (against
ni stambh and prati stambh) and (according to the grammarians) ava
^an.

186. In other compoundB, the final alterant vowel of the first
member not infrequently (especially in the Veda) lingoalizes the
initial a of the second: for example, srudhiftliira, pit^fvasr, g09tli&,
agniftom&y antm^ubh, trifaibdhi, divi^&d, parame^t^^, abhi^en^,
pit|p^^» puruf tut&.

6U A Tery few cases occur of the same alteration after an a-element:
thus, sa^tabh, ava^^ainbha, savya^tbi* apft^fha, upa^tut; also
ysah, when its final, by 147, becomes f: thus, satr&filt (but satr&-
saham).

187. The final a of the first member of a compound often be-
comes 9 after an alterant vowel: thus, the s of a prepositional prefix,
as nif^fdhvan, dtmf&ra (for dtmft&ra), ftvi^lqrta; and, regularly, a
8 retained instead of being converted to visarga before a labial or
guttural mute (171 a), as havifp^ jyotifkft; tapo^pa.

188. Once more, in the Yeda, the same alteration, both of an initial
and of a final 8, is not infrequent even between the words composing a
sentence. The cases are detailed in the Prati9akhya belonging to each text,
and are of very various character. Thus:

a. The initial 8, especially of particles: as u fu, h{ fma* Um u
fvit; — also of pronouns: as hi 9&^; — of verb-forms, especially from
yas: as hi fthi, divl ffha; — and in other scattering cases: as u ^fuhi,
ni 9thir&m» tri ^adh&sthft, kdhi 9i^6^» n&kl^ 9&]|^, y^uh yTraTiTi4m,
agnf^ 9^ve.

b. A final 8, oftenest before pronouns (especially toneless ones): as
agnff fvft, nif t®» lyuf \^t ^ucif (v&m, s&dhi^ ^va; — but also in
other cases, and wherever a final s is preserved, instead of being turned
into visarga, before a guttural or labial (171): as trf^ putva, tyn^
kfi^otu, vtsto^ p&til^ dyft^ piti^ vibhif p&tftt.

Conversion of ^ n to QT 9.

189. The dental nasal ^ n, when immediately followed
by a vowel or by ?T n or i? m or Ttj or ^v, is turned in-
to the lingual QT igi if preceded in the same word by the



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65 CONVBBSION OP n TO IJ. [ — 191

lingual sibilant oi semivowel oi vowels — that is to say,
by 'T^ 9, ^ r, or fff r oi ^f — : and this, not only if the
altering letter stands immediately before the nasa], but at
whatever distance from the latter it may be foimd: unless,
indeed, there intervene (a consonant moving the front of
the tongue: namely) a palatal (except IT y), a lingual, or a
dental.

a. We may thus figure to oarBelyes the ratumaU of the process: in
the marked procllrity of the language toward lingual utterance, especially
of the nasal, the tip of the tongoe, when once reyerted into the loose lin-
gnal position by the utterance of a non-contact lingnal element, tends to
hang there and make its next nasal contact in that position; and does so,
unless the proclMty is satisfied by the utterance of a lingual mute, or the
organ is thrown out of adjustment by the utterance of an element which
causes it to assume a different posture. This is not the case with the guttur-
als or labials, which do not move the ftrout part of the tongue (and, as the
influence of k on following s shows, the guttural position favors the succes-
sion of a lingual): and the y is too weakly palatal to interfere with the
alteration (as its next relative, the i- vowel, itself lingualizes a s).

b. This is a rule of constant application; and (as was pointed
out above, 46) the great majority of occarrences of igi in the language
are the result of it.

190. The rule has force especially —

a. When suffixes, of inflection or derivation, are added to roots or
stems containing one of the altering sounds: thus, mdr^i^, mdrdi^Sm,
virile, v^bii^I, vart^i, datp^» h&rfii^ dv^^fti^, kru^aml* ^p^ti,
kfubhai^, gbr^A, kte^a» v^to^i^ rug^i, dr&vli^, if&^i* pur&i^
rtt^as, dkk^a^a, ciklr^amfti^a, kfpam&^a.

b. When the final n of a root or stem comes to be followed, in inflection
•r derivation, by such sounds as allow it to feel the effect of a preceding
altering cause: thus, from }/ran, r&i^nti, r&]^ati» rSraj^a, arfi]|^faB;
f^om brahman, br&hma^ft, br&hmfii^, brfthmapA, brahmai^a,
br&hma^Tant.

o. The form pijjiak (RY. : 2d and 3d sing, impf.), from j/pif, is wholly
anomalous.

191. This rale (like that for the change of s to 9) applies strictly
and especially when the nasal and the cause of its alteration both lie
within the limits of the same integral word; but (also like the other)
it is extended, within certain limits, to compound words — and even,
in the Veda, to contiguous words in the sentence.

Whitney, Gnmniar. 3. ed. 5



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192—] III. EUPHONIO GOMBIHATION. 66

192. Especially, a preposition or similar prefix to a root, if it
contain r or end in eapbonic r for a (174), very often lingualizes the
n of a root or of its deriyed stems and forms. Tbns :

a. The initial n of a root it usnally and regularly so altered, in all
forms and deriratlves, after parft» pari, pra, nir (for nia), antar, dur
(for dua): tVus, p&rft i^ya, p&ri ^lyate, prd igiudaava; pai^utti,
parij^ama, pra]^av&» nin^, duri^&^a. Roots suffering this change are
written with initial i^ in the native root-lists. The only exceptions of im-
portance are n^, nabh, nand, and na^ when its q becomes 9 (as In
pr&nafta).

b. The final n of a root is lingaalized in some of the forms of an
and han: thns, pra 'i^ti, prfti^ pr& ha^yate, prah&?ana.

o. The class-signs nu and n& are altered after the roots hi and mi:
thus, p&rl hii^omi, pr& miji^anti (but the latter not in the Yeda).

d. The 1st sing. impy. ending Sni is sometimes altered: thus, pr4
bhavfi^.

6. DerivatiYes by suffixes containing n sometimes have 1^ by influence
of a preposition: thus, prayai^

f. The n of the preposition ni is sometimes altered, like the initial
of a root, after another preposition: thus, pra^ip&ta, praijldhi.

193. In compound words, an altering cause in one member sometimes
lingualizes a n of the next following memher — either its initial or final
n, or n in its inflectional or derivative ending. The exercise of the altering
influence can he seen to depend in part upon the closeness or frequency
of the compound, or its integration by being made the base of a derivatlTe.
Examples are: g^r&ma^I, tri^&man* iiriii^aB&; v^trah&i^am etc. (but
vrtraghna etc.: 195a), npn&i^aB, drugha^^; pravaha^a, nxvinA^
p^ya^a, pit^ai^; svarg^i^a, durga^i, uar&y&m^e, tryaftgaiyftm.

194. Finally, in the Veda, a n (usually initial) is occasionally lingu&l-
ized even by an altering sound in another word. The toneless pronouns
naa and ena- are oftenest thus affected : thus, p&ri i^aa, prfi{ "nftn, Indra
ei^m; but also the particle nd like: thus, var ^4; and a few other
cases, as var ]^ama» punar jgiayamaai, agn^r kvei^. More anomalous,
and perhaps to be rejected as false readings, are such as trli^ iman and
akfa^ &va and suhar^ r^al^ (MS.), and vy^a^ va (Apast).

195. a. The immediate combination of a n with a preceding guttural
or labial seems in some cases to hinder the conversion to r^ : thus, v|*traghiia
etc., kfubhnati, tipnoti (but in Veda tfp^u), kfepnu, Bxu^umn&.

b. The RY. has the exceptions uftr&n&m and rftffi^&i&m.

Conversion of dental mutes to Unguals and palatals.

196. When a dental mute comes in contact with a
lingual or palatal mute or sibilant, the dental is usually
assimilated, becoming lingual or palatal respectively.



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67 Dental Mutes to Linguals and Palatals. [—199

The casea are tbe following:

197. A dental sturd mute or nasal, or the dental Bibilant, when
immediately preceded by a 9, is everywhere converted into the cor-
responding lingual.

a. Under this rule, the oombinations 9^ ^fh, and 91^ are yery common ;
^ is rarely to written, the viaarga being put instead of the former sibilant
(172): thns, Jy6tlhipi instead of jy6tiffu.

b. Mach less often, dh is changed to <}h after final 9 of a root or
tense-stem, with loss of the 9 or Its conversion to 4 ^ "^ ^^^ <^*

o. Those cases in which final 9 becomes \ before an (e. g. dvitsu:
226 b) do not, of conrse, fall under this mle.

198. In the other (comparatively infrequent) cases where a dental
is preceded by a lingual in internal combination, the dental (except
of su loc. pi.) becomes lingual. Thus:

a. A n following immediately a 1^ made such by the mle glren at
189, abore — or, as it may be expressed, a double as well as a single n
— is subject to the lingnalization : thus, the participles an^j^ Iqftu^a,
k^vini^ ch^^&y tp^i^i and, after prefixes (185 a), ni^ai^a^ pari-
▼in^a, vi^a^igLa* vi^yai^^a. But TS. has ddhi^kanna, and RT. ykivh
^kanniuii.

b. Only a yery few other instances occur: iffe and ti^a from yi^;
^a^^lha (also fatjLdba and ^<}ha), and fai^am (^af + nftm: anomalous
gen. pi. of ^af: 483). A small nnmber of words follow the same rule in
external combination: see below, 199.

o. But t&4hi (Vedlc: yta^ + dhi) shows loss of the final lingnal
after assimilation of the dental, and compensatory lengthening.

d« Some of the cases of abnormal occurrence of 4 sre explained in a
similar way, as resnlts of a lingnalized and afterward omitted sibilant before
d: thns m<Jl& from nisda, >^pi<} from pisd, ^m^ from mrsd. For
words exhibiting a like change. in composition, see below, 199 c.

199. In external combination —

a. A final t is directed to be assimilated to an initial lingnal mute:
thus, tat-^a» ta4 <}ayate, ta^fl^ftlini, ta^ <}hftxikate: but the case
nerer occurs in the older language, and yery rarely in the later. For final
n before a lingual, see 206 b.

b. An initial dental after a final linguallusnally remains unchanged;
and Bu of the loc. pi. follows the same rule: thus, ^k\trui<^a,t, inn^
div&h, ekarat tv&m; fatso* rafBu.

o. Exceptions are: a few compounds with fa§ six showing double r^
(198 b): namely, f&i^avatiy faijua&bhi (and one or two others not
quotable); and JB. has ^a^ igiramimita.

d. In a few compounds, moreover, there appears a lingnalized dental, with
compensatory lengthening, after a lost lingual sibilant or its representatlye :

5*



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199—] III. Euphonic Combination. 68

namely, in certain Yedic compounds with doB: dti<Jl&bha, dQ4^» d^^hl.
du]^a» duna9a (compare the anomalous puro^^ and -^a^a: pura8 +
yd&q) ; and, in the language of erery period, certain compounds of ^a^,
with change of its vowel to an alterant qaality (as in vo<}hiim and 80<}hiixii:
284 b): i^d^qa, ^^ha (also ^a^ipia and f^^dht), foijant.

e. Between final \ and initial 8, the insertion of a t is permitted —
or, according to some authorities, required: thus, ^4^ Bah&srfi^ or ^k%t
Bah&srfih.

200. The cases of assimilation of a dental to a contignoas palatal
occur almost only in external combination, and before an initial palatal.
There is bat one case of internal combination, namely:

201. A ^ n coming to follow a palatal mute in internal
combination is itself made palatal.

Thus, y&ciia (the only instance after o), sraJM, jajfi6, ajfiata,

202. a. A iinal cT t before an initial palatal mute is
assimilated to it, becoming ^ c before ^ c or S" ch, and sT j
before sf j (^ jh does not occur).

Thus, uo carati, etac chattram, vidynj jftyate; y&tayijjana,
vidyujjihva, b^b^oohandas, Baccarita.

b. A final ^ n is assimilated before sT j, becoming of fi.

c. All the grammarians, of every period, require this assimilation of
n to j ; but it is more often neglected, or only occasionally made, in the
manuscripts.

d. For n before a surd palatal, see below, 206.

208. Before the palatal sibilant ^ 9, both cT t and ^ n

are assimilated, becoming respectively ^ c and 31 fi; and

then the following ^ 9 may be, and in practice almost

always is, converted to ^ oh.

Thus, vedavio ohtira^ (-vit 911-), tao ohmtvft, hrcchaya (h^4-
9aya); b^hafi ohefah or 9e9ah, svapafi chete or 9ete.

a. Some authorities regard the conversion of 9 to ch after t or n as
everywhere obligatory, others as only optional; some except, peremptorily
or optionally, a 9 followed by a mute. And some require the same con-
version after every mute save m, reading also vlpftf chutudrX, ana^
chuoi, anuftup ohfircuil, 9uk ohuoi. The manuscripts generally write
oh, instead of coh, as result of the combination of t and 9.

b. In the MS., t and 9 are anomalously combined into fi 9: e. g.
t&fi 9at&m9 etftvafi9&B.



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69 Combinations op final n. [—207



Combinations of final ^n.

204« Final radical n is assimilated in internal combination to a
following sibilant, becoming anasyftra.

Thus, v&ftai, vkhsva^ vktaat, ma&By&te, JighfiAsati.

a. According to the giammariaos, it is treated before bh and 8U In
declension as in external combination. But the cases are, at best, exoess-
iTely rare, and RV. has r&&su and vdiisu (the only Yedic examples).

b. Final n of a derivative snfflx is regularly and usually dropped before
a consonant in inflection and composition — in composition, even before a
Yowel; and a radical n occasionally follows the same rule: see 421 a» 439,
1208 o, 637.

o. For assimilation of n to a preceding palatal, see 201.
Thus remaining cases are those of external combination.

205. a. The assimilation of n in external combination to a follow-
ing sonant palatal and the palatal sibilant ^ have been already treated
(202 b, 208).

b. The n is also declared to be assimilated (becoming if) before
a sonant lingnal (4* 4^ 9)) bat the case rarely if ever occurs.

206. A n is also assimilated to a following initial 1, becoming
(like m: 218 d) a nasal L

a. The manuscripts to a great extent disregard this rule, leaving the
n unchanged; but also they in part attempt to follow it — and that, either
by writing the assimilated n (as the assimilated m, 213 f, and jast as
reasonably) with the annsv&ra-sign, or else by doubling the 1 and putting
a sign of nasality above; the latter, howeyer, is inexact, and a better way
would be to separate the two Ts, writing the first with virftma and a nasal
sign abOTe. Thus (from trin lok&n):

manuscripts Jfidl+H or ^nSH+H ; better jft^ ^°r»l1.

-Sw >. >. •>»

The second of these methods is the one oftenest followed in printed texts.

SK)7. Before the lingual and dental sibilants, 9 and a, final n
remains unchanged; bnt a t may also be inserted between the nasal
and the sibilant: thus, tan 9&t or tant 9&t! niahan s&n or ma-
htnt 84n.

6U According to most of the grammarians of the Prati^akhyas (not RPr.),
the insertion of the t in such cases is a necessary one. In the manuscripts
it is yery frequently made, but not uniformly. It is probably a purely
phonetic phenomenon, a transition-sound to ease the double change of sonant
to surd and nasal to non-nasal utterance — although the not infrequent
cases in which final n stands for original nt (as bharan, abharan,
agnimftn) may have aided to establish it as a rule. Its analogy with the
conyersion of n 9 into iioh (203) is palpable.



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208—] ni. EuPHONio Combination. 70

208* Before the surd palatal, lingual, and dental mutes, there is
inserted after final n a sibilant of each of those classes respectively,
before which the n becomes annsvftra: thus, dev&&9 oa, bhvft^^
ohidyate* kum&rftfts trin, abharafts tata^, dadha&9 (425 o) oamin.

a. This rule, which in the classical language has established itself in
the form here given, as a phonetic lole of unvarying application, really
involves a historic survival. The large majority of cases of final n in the
language (not far from three quarters) are for original ns; and the retention
of the sibilant in such cases, when once its historical ground had been forgotten,
was extended by analogy to all others.

b. Practically, the mle applies only to n before o and t, since cases
involving the other initials occur either not at all, or only with extreme
rarity (the Veda does not present an example of any of them). In the Yeda,
the insertion is not always made, and the different texts have with regard
to it different usages, which are fully explained in their Prati9i]Lhya8; in
general,. it is less frequent in the older texts. When the ^ does not appear
between n and o, the n is of course assimilated, becoming fk (203).

209. The same retention of original final s after a nasal, and
consequent treatment of (apparent) final fin» In, un, fn as if they were
ftfts, IhBt vdiBf fhn (long nasalized vowel with final s), shows itself
also in other Yedic forms of combination, which, for the sake of unity,
may be briefly stated here together:

a. Final ftn becomes && (nasalized ft) before a following vowel: that
is to say, fi^, with nasal vowel, is treated like fis, with pure vowel (177):
thus, dev&L 6 'h&, upabaddhftii ib&, maliaA asi. This is an extremely
common case, especially in RV. Once or twice, the s appears as ^ before
p: thus, 8v&tavft&^ pftyul^.

b. In like manner, a is treated after nasal i, u, f as it would be after
those vowels when pure, becoming r before a sonant sound (174), and
(much more rarely) ^ before a surd (170): thus, ra^ml^ iva, BantbSir
yuvansrtb&r lit, n^iir abh{; n^&l^L patram (and nffi^ p-, MS.).

O. RV. has once -lA before y. MS. usually has aA instead of ftji.

210. The nasals n» i^. &, occurring as finals after a short vowel,
are doubled before any initial vowel: thus, praty&iixi ^d efi, udy&nn
ftdity&^, ftB&nn-ifa.

a. This is also to be regarded as a historical survival, the second
nasal being an assiudlatiou of an original consonant following the first It
is always written in the manuscripts, although the Yedic metre seems to
show that the duplication was sometimes omitted. The RY. has the com-
pound TT^ms^aqvtu

211. The nasals ii and 9 before a sibilant are allowed to in-
sert respectively k and f — m n (207) inserts t: thus, praty^^ak
sdma))^



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71 Combinations OF FiKAL m. [—219

Combrnations of final ^m.

212. Final radical Tf m, in internal combination, is as-
similated to a following mute or spirant — in the latter case,
becoming anusTftra; in the former, becoming the nasal of
the same class with the mute.

a. Before m or v (as when final: 143a), it is changed to n: thus,
from y'E^am come &ganma» aganmahi, ganvahi, jaganv^u&s (which
appear to be the only quotable cases). According to the grammarians, the
same change is made in the Inflection of root-stems before bh and m : thus,
pra^anbhlB, pra^ftnsu (flrom pra^ftm: pra+V^^am). No derived noun-
stem ends in m.

b. The (B. and K^iS. have k&mvant and 9&mvant.

218. Final Tf m in external combination is a servile sound,
being assimilated to any following consonant. Thus:

a. It remains nDcbanged only before a vowel or a labial mute.

b. But also, by an anomalous exception, before r of the root rSj in
Bamrcsj and its deriTatives samr^fii and s&mrl^ya.

c. Before a mate of any other class than labial, it becomes the
nasal of that class.

d. Before the semivowels y, 1, v it becomes, according to the
Hindu grammarians, a nasal semivowel, the nasal counterpart of each
respectively (see 71).

6. Before r, a sibilant, or h, it becomes anosvSra (see 71}.

f. The manuscripts and the editions in general make no attempt to
distinguish the nasal tones produced by the assimilation of m before a follow-
ing semivowel ttom that before a spirant.

g. But if h be immediately followed by another consonant (which can
only be a nasal or semlYowel), the m is allowed to be assimilated to that
following consonant This is because the h has no position of the mouth-
organs peculiar to itself, but is uttered in the position of the next sound.
The Prati9akhyas do not take any notice of the case.

h. Cases are met with in the Veda where a final m appears to be
dropped before a vowel, the final and initial vowels being then combined
into one. The pada-text then generally gives a wrong interpretation. Thus,
saihv&nano 'bliayaihkar&m (RY. vlll. 1. 2; pada-text: -nana ubh-^
SY. -nanam).

i. It has been pointed out above (73) that the assimilated m is
generally represented in texts by the anoBvftra-sign, and that in this
work it is transliterated by xh (instead of a nasal mute or t).



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214—] III. Euphonic Combination. 72



The palatal mutes and sibilant, and ^ h.

214. These aoonds show in Bome situations a reversion (48)
to the original gutturals from which they are derived. The treat-
ment of J and h, also, is different, according as they represent the
one or the other of two different degrees of alteration from their
originals.

215. The palatals and h are the least stable of alphabetic sounds,
undergoing, in virtue of their derivative character, alteration in many
oases where other similar sounds are retained.

216. Thus, in derivation, even before vowels, semivowels, and
nasals, reversion to guttural form is by no means rare. The cases
are the following:

a. Before a of suffix a, final becomes k in a&U, ^vaAka, arU,
piki, vfikA, 9aka, parka, mark&, TfkA^ pr&tika etc., reka, s^ka,
moka, rok&, q6kA, toki, mxdkkf vraakA; — final J becomes g in
^figi, bh&ga, bhag&» yfiga, aikga, bhafigi, safiga, svaiigay ffiga,
tufiga, yufiga, varga, m&rga, nqpgi, varga, aarga, nega, vega, bh6ga,
70g&» y6ga, loga, r6ga; — final h becomes gh in aghA, inagh&, argli&,
dirgh& (and dr jghiyas, dragfaiffha), degha, megh&, ogha» d6gha,
dr6gha, m6gha; and in dughftna and m^ghamSna. In neka (KniJ)
we ha?e farther an anomalous substitution of a sard for the final sonant of
the root

b. In another series of deriTatives with a, the altered sound appears:
examples are aj&, ylUa, 9uo&» 90ca, vraj&, vevlj&» yuja, urji» d6ha.

o. Before the suffixes as and ana, the guttural only rarely appears:
namely. In iikkas, 6ka8, rbkas, ^bkas, bh&rgas, and in rogana; also
In abhog^a.

d. Before an i-vowel, the altered sound appears (except in ftbhogf,
6i^a&8» tigiti, moki, sphigi): thus, fij{, tujf, ruci, 9&C1, vivioi,

6. Before u, the guttural reappears, as a rule (the oases are few) : thus,
a&ka, vanko, reku» bhfgu, mirgoka, raghu (and r&ghiyaAa).

f« Before n, the examples of rerersion are few, except of J (becoming
g) before the participial ending na (957 o): thas, r^kigiaSy vagnu (with
the final also made sonant); and participles bhagn&y rugiji^, etc.; and
apparently pfgi^a from ^pfo.

g. Before m (of ma» man, mant, min), the guttural generally
appears : thus, rukm&, tigm&» yngma, f gma (with sonant change) ; tak-
xnAn» v&kman, s&kman, yugm&n; r^ikmant; n^^ ^^ vfigmin
(with sonant change): — but 4jman, ojin4n, bhujm&n.

h. Before y, the altered sonnd is used: thus, pacya, yi^ya, yiHiyu*
ynijtk, hhiaiju. Such cases as bhogya, yogya* negya, okya are doubt-
less secondary derl?atiYes fh>m bhoga etc.



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73 Combinations op final Palatals. [—218

i. Before r, the cases are few, and the osage apparently diyided: thns,
takra, sakra, vakr&, ^ukri, vigri, iigr&, tugra, mrgra, v&£ikri;
Imt TiiirtL and pi^ra(?).

J. Before v (of the suffixes va* van^ vin, etc., and participial v&iis)
the guttural is regularly preserved : thus, ^kvi, pakv&» vikva; vikvan,
(kvan, rikvan, 9iikv'aii, m^gvaiiy tagvan, yngran; t^^^Ant, p^k-
vant; vSgrvin, vagvand, vagvanu (with ftirther sonant change); vivak-
viiia, ririkva&B, vivikvaiifl, rurukv^u&By ^uQnkviba; ^u^ukvani,
^9tikY4ni: also before the union-vowel i in okivaAa (RV., once). An
exception is yAJvan.

k. The reversion of h in derivation is comparatively rare. The final
j which is analogous with q (219) shows much less proclivity to reversion
than that which corresponds with o.

1. A like reversion shows itself also to some extent in co^Jugational
stem-formation and inflection. Thus, the initial radical becomes guttural



Online LibraryWilliam Dwight WhitneyA Sanskrit grammar : including both the classical language, and the older dialects, of Veda and Brahmana → online text (page 9 of 59)