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and, placing themselves beyond its pale, openly seeks to
destroy it, and ruin all whom it protects. They no longer
profess any obedience to its requirements; and, of course,
cannot claim its protection. By their own act, our duty to
respect their rights, under that Constitution, ceases with their
repudiation of it ; and our right to liberate their slave prop-
erty is as clear as would be our right to liberate the slaves of
Cuba in a war with Spain.

" A band of pirates threaten and authorize piracy upon
Northern commerce; and from the moment that threat is
carried into execution, the fetters will fall from the manacled
limbs of their slaves, and they will be encouraged and aided
in the establishment of their freedom. Suppose Cuba were to
issue letters of marque against our commerce, and, according
to the Charleston Mercury, seize ' upon the rich prizes which
may be coming from foreign lands,' does any sane man doubt
that we should at once invade that island, and liberate her
slaves? Or does any statesman or jurist question our right
so to do ? And why, then, should we hesitate to pursue a
similar course in respect to the so-called Southern Confede-
racy ?


"Spain, as a well-established nation, and recognized as
such by all the powers of the world, would have the right,
according to the laws of nations, to adopt such a course of
proceeding ; but she would do it at her peril, and well weigh-
ing the consequences. But the rebel government of the
slave States possesses no such right. The act would be no
more or less than piracy ; and we should not only hang at
the yard-arm all persons caught in the practice, but we
should be compelled, in self-defence, to carry the war into
Africa, and deal with the slaves of the Confederacy precisely
as we should, under similar circumstances, deal with those of

" ' The richly laden ships of the North,' says the Mobile
Advertiser, 'swarm on every sea, and are absolutely unpro-
tected. The harvest is ripe.' We admit it ; but gather it if
you dare. Venture upon the capture of the poorest of those
* richly laden ships,' and, from that moment, your slaves be-
come freemen, doing battle in Freedom's cause. 'Hundreds
and hundreds of millions of the property of the enemy invite
us to spoil him — to spoil these Egyptians,' says the same
paper. True, but you dare not venture upon the experiment ;
or, if you should be so rash as to make the experiment, your
fourteen hundred millions of slave property will cease to
exist, and you will find four millions of liberated slaves in
your midst, wreaking upon their present masters the smoth-
ered vengeance of a servile race, who, for generation after
generation, have groaned under the lash of the negro driver
and his inhuman employer.

" ' The risk of the privateer,' says the same organ of the
rebel confederacy, ' will still be trifling; but he will continue
to reap the harvest.' His risk will only be his neck, and his
' harvest ' will be a halter. But the risk, nay, the certainty
of the punishment to be visited upon the slave confederacy,
will be far greater — of infinitely greater magnitude than
they can well conceive ; because it will be no more or less
than the loss of all their slave property, accompanied with the
necessity of contending, hand to hand, for their lives, with the
servile race so long accustomed to the lash, and the torture,
and the branding and maiming of their inhuman masters ; a
nation of robbers, who now, in the face of the civilized world,
repudiate their just debts, rob banks and mints, sell freemen



captured in an unarmed vessel into perpetiial slavery, trample
upon law and order, insult our flag, capture our forts and
arsenals, and, finally, invite pirates to prey upon our com-
merce '

" Such a nest of pirates may do some mischief, and greatly
alarm the timid. But the men of the North know how to
deal with them ; and we tell them, once for all, that, if they
dare grant a solitary letter of marque, and the person or per-
sons acting under it venture to assail the poorest of our ves-
sels in the peaceful navigation of the ocean, or the coasts and
rivers of our country— /ro??? that moment their doom ts
sealed, and slavery ceases to exist. We speak the unanimous
sentiment of our people ; and to that sentiment all in author-
ity will be compelled to bow submissively. So let us hear
no more of the idle gasconade of ' the Chivalry ' of a nest of
robbers, who seek to enlarge the area of their public and pri-
vate virtues, &c."

This is very plain talk, and cannot easily be misappre-
hended by those whom it concerns.


There is neither reason nor justice in Massachusetts, New
York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and the great States north-
west of the Ohio pouring out their blood and treasure for
the gratification of the slaveholding pretensions of Mary-
land, Kentucky or Missouri. The citi^ns of these States
who own slaves are as much bound, if the preservation of the
Union requires it, to give up their property in slaves, as we
at the farther North are to pour out our blood and treas-
ure to put down a rebellion which threatens alike them and
us. If they love their few slaves more than they do the
Union, let them go out of the Union. We are stronger to
fight the battles of the Union without them than we are with

them. . .

But we have referred only to the slaves m the rebellious
States, and if it is, or if it becomes, a military necessity to


liberate all the slaves of the Union, and to treat the whole
present slave population as freemen and citizens, it would be
no more than just and proper that, at the conclusion of the
war, the citizens of loyal States, or the loyal citizens of loyal
sections of the rebellious States, should be indemnified at a
reasonable rate for the slaves that may have been liberated.
The States and sections of States named have not a large
number of slaves, and if the Union is preserved, it would
not be a very heavy burden on it to pay their ransom ; and
to paying it, no patriot or loyal citizen of the free States
would raise the slightest objection. The objection therefore
urged, though grave, need not be regarded as insuperable ;
and we think the advantages of the measure, in a military
point of view, would be far greater than any disadvantage we
have to apprehend from it.

Whether the time for this important measure has come or
not, it is for the President, as Commander-in-Chief of our
armies, to determine. But, in our judgment, no single mea-
sure could be adopted by the government that would more
effectually aid its military operations, do more to weaken the
rebel forces, and to strengthen our own.

It seems to us, then, highly important, in every possible
view of the case, that the Federal Government should avail
itself of the opportunity given it by the Southern rebellion to
perform this act of justice to the negro race ; to assimilate
the labor system of the South to that of the North ; to re-
move a great moral and political wrong ; and to wipe out
the foul stain of slavery, which has hitherto sullied the other-
wise bright escutcheon of our Republic. We are no fanatics
on the subject of slavery, as is well known to our readers,
and we make no extraordinary pretensions to modern philan-
thropy ; but we cannot help fearing that, if the government
lets slip the present opportunity of doing justice to the negro
race, and of placing our republic throughout in harmony
with modern civilization, Grod, who is especially the God of
the poor and the oppressed, will never give victory to our
arms, or suffer us to succeed in our efforts to suppress rebel-
lion and restore peace and integrity in the Union.



With the secession of Virginia, there is going to be enacted
on the banks of the Potomac one of the most terrible con-
flicts the world has ever witnessed ; and Virginia, with all her
social systems, will be doomed, and swept away.— iYew; lorA:
Herald, April 19.

We must also admonish the people of Maryland that we
of the North have the common right of way through their
State to our National Capital. But let her join the revolu-
tionists, and her substance will be devoured by our ^orthern
legions as by an Arabian cloud of locusts, and her slave pop-
ulation will disappear in a single campaign.

A Northern invasion of Virginia and of Kentucky, it ne-
cessary, carrying along with it the Canadian line of Alrican
freedom, as it must do from the very nature of civil war, will
produce a powerful Union reaction. The slave population ot
the border States will be moved in two directions. Une
branch of it, without the masters, will be moved Northward,
and the other branch, with the masters, will be moved South-
ward, so that, by the time the Northern army will have pen-
etrated to the centre of the border slave States, they will be
relieved of the substance and abstract rights of slave prop-
erty for all time to come.

Finally, the revolted States having appealed to the sword
of revolution to redress their wrongs, may soon have to
choose between submission to the Union or the bloody extinc-
tion of slavery, from the absence of any law, any wish, any
power for its protection. — Ibid, April 20.

By land and water, if she places herself in the attitude of
rebellion, Maryland may be overrun and subdued m a single
week, including the extinction of slavery within her own
borders ; for war makes its own laws. , ^ iv/r

We are less concerned about Washington than about Ma-
ryland. Loyal to the Union, she is perfectly safe, negroes
and all ; disloyal to the Union, she may be crushed including
her institution of slavery. Let her stand by the Union and
the Union will protect and respect her— slavery and all.—
Ibid, April 21.



Virginia, next to Maryland, will be subjected to this test.
She has seceded, and hence she will probably risk the break-
ing of every bone in her body. If so, we fear that every
bone in her body will be broken, including her backbone of
slavery. The day is not far off when the Union men of the
revolted States will be asked to come to the relief of their
misguided brethren, for, otherwise, the war which they have
chosen to secure their institution of slavery may result in
wiping it out of existence. — Ibid^ April 23.

In advance of this movement. President Lincoln should
issue his proclamation, guaranteeing the complete protection
of all loyal Union men and their property, but warning the
enemies of the Government of the dangers of confiscation,
negroes included.

If Virginia resists, the contest cannot last very long, con-
sidering her large slave population, which will either become
fugitives or take up arms against their masters. — Ibid,
April 24.

That we are to have a fight, that Virginia and Maryland
will form the battle-ground, that the Northern roughs will
sweep those States with fire and sword, is beyond peradven-
ture. They have already been excit'Cd to the boiling point
by the rich prospect of plunder held out by some of their
leaders, and will not be satisfied unless they have a farm and
a nigger each. There is no sort of exaggeration about these
statements, as the people of the border States will shortly
ascertain to their cost. The character of the coming cam-
paign will be vindictive, fierce, bloody, and merciless beyond
parallel in ancient or modern history. — Ibid, April 28.

The class of population which is recruiting in our large
cities, the regiments forming for service in behalf of the
Union, can never be permanently worsted. They will pour
down upon the villages and cities of Virginia and Maryland,
and leave a desolate track behind them, and inspire terror in
whatever vicinity they approach. — Ibid, April 29.

It will be idle for Tennessee and Kentucky to attempt to
escape from the issue, and to remain at peace, while the
remainder of the country is at war. Neutrality will be con-
sidered opposition, and the result of a general frontier war


will be, that slavery, as a domestic institution of the United
States, will be utterly annihilated. — Ibid, April 30.

The rebellion must be put down by some means or another,
else it will put us down ; and if nothing else will do, even to
proclaim the abolition of slavery would be legitimate. All
is fair in war. . . . Gen. Fremont and the other Generals
must act according to circumstances, and their own judgment,
unless when otherwise ordered. ... If he is acting on his
own responsibility, he is only carrying out the Confiscation
Act, so far as the slaves are concerned. . . . We have no fear
of the result. — N. Y. Herald, Sept. 3.


To our apprehension, God is fast closing every avenue to
settled peace but by emancipation. And one of the most
encouraging facts is that the eyes of the nation are becoming
turned in that direction quite as rapidly as could have been
anticipated. Some men of conservative antecedents, like
Dickinson of New York, saw this necessity from the first.
But it takes time to accustom a whole people to the thought,
and to make them see the necessity. It was impossible for
Northern men to fathom the spirit and the desperate exigen-
cies of the slave system and its outbreak, and consequently
to comprehend the desperate nature of the struggle. We
were like a policeman endeavoring to arrest a boy-rufl&an,
and, for the sake of his friends and for old acquaintance
sake, doing it with all possible tenderness for his person and
his feelings — till all of a sudden he feels the grip on his
throat and the dagger's point at his breast, and knows that it
is a life-and-death grapple.

Slaveholding is simply piracy continued. Our people are
beginning to spell out that short and easy lesson in the light
of perjury, robbery, assassination, poisoning, and all the more
than Algerine atrocities of this rebellion. It cannot require
many more months of schooling like the last eight, to con-
vince the dullest of us what are its essence and spirit.


Our people also are rapidly finding out that no peaceful
termination of this war will be permitted now by the Slave
Power, except by its thorough overthrow. The robber has
thrown oiF the mask, and says now to the nation, " Your life
or mine ! " Even the compromising Everett has boldly told
the South, "To be let alone is not all you ask — but you
demand a great deal more." And in his late oration, he has
most powerfully portrayed the impossibility of a peaceful dis-
union. Many men, some anti-slavery, were at first inclined
to yield to the idea of a separation. But every day's expe-
rience is scattering that notion to the winds. The ferocious
spirit exhibited from the first by the Secessionists towards all
dissentients, the invasion of Western Virginia by Eastern, the
threats to put down loyal Kentucky, the foray in Missouri,
the plan for capturing Washington, which was part of the
original scheme, are convincing proofs, that if by any pacifi-
cation whatever our troops were disbanded to-day, to-morrow
a Southern army would be on the march for Washington,
Philadelphia, New York, and perhaps Chicago,

The South has sufficiently declared the cause of this trouble
to be the irreconcilable conflict between their institutions and
the fundamental principles of this government. While the
cause remains in full strength, and after it has once burst
forth in bloody and final collision, nothing will ever check
that strife, whether in or out of the Union. The cause must
be eradicated. Meanwhile, our own position, both before the
world and in our own struggle at home, is a false one, so long
as we blink the real issue.

Many indications are hopeful. Gen. Butler's letter to the
Secretary of War, and the Secretary's reply, look in the
right direction. The Confiscation Act is pregnant with great
consequences, and may yet be so used as to become an eman-
cipation act in all the rebel States. It is high time it were
so used. We have serious doubts whether the rebellion will
ever be suppressed till that trenchant weapon is wielded.
We reverently doubt whether the Lord means it shall be.

The quiet passage of the Confiscation Act was an immense
step of governmental progress. Perhaps it was all that the
nation as a whole and the government were ready for. It
may answer as a keen wedge. But we trust that, in Decem-
ber, Congress will make clean work by the full emaucipa-

Fremont's proclamation. 21

tion of all slaves in the rebel States, and by provision in some
way for the speedy and certain extinction of slavery in the
loyal States. To accomplish the latter event, we would our-
selves willingly submit to any proper amount of pecuniary
burden, provided it could be so arranged as not to recognize
a right of property in man. — Chicago Congregational Herald.


Headquarters, Western Division,
St. Louis, Aug. 30, 1861.

Circumstances, in my judgment, are of sufficient urgency
to render it necessary that the Commanding General of this
Department should assume administrative powers of the
State. Its disorganized condition, helplessness of civil au-
thority, and the total insecurity of life and devastation of
property by bands of murderers and marauders, who infest
nearly every county in the State, and avail themselves of
public misfortunes and the vicinity of a hostile force to grat-
ify private and neighborhood vengeance, and who find an
enemy wherever they find plunder, finally demand the se-
verest measures to repress the daily increasing crimes and
outrages which are driving oiF the inhabitants and ruining
the State. In this condition, the public safety and the suc-
cess of our arms require unity of purpose, without let or
hindrance, to the prompt administration of affairs. In order,
therefore, to suppress disorder, maintain the public peace,
and give security to the persons and property of loyal citi-
zens, I do hereby extend and declare martial law throughout
the State of Missouri.

The lines of the army occupation in this State are, for the
present, declared to extend from Leavenworth by way of
posts to Jeffbrson City, Rolla and Ironton, to Cape Girar-
deau, on the Mississippi river. All persons who shall be
taken with arms in their hands, within these lines, shall be
tried by court martial, and, if found guilty, shall be shot.

Real and personal property, owned by persons who shall
take up arms against the United States, or who shall be
directly proven to have taken an active part with the enemy
in the field, is declared confiscated to public use, and their


slaves, if any they have, are hereby declared free men. All
persons who shall be proven to have destroyed, after the
publication of this order, railroad tracks, bridges or telegraph
lines, shall suffer the extreme penalty of the law. All per-
sons engaged in treasonable correspondence, in giving or
procuring aid to the enemy, in fomenting turmoils and dis-
turbing public tranquility by creating or circulating false
reports or incendiary documents, are warned that they are
exposing themselves. All persons who have been led away
from allegiance are requested to return to their homes forth-
with. Any such absence, without sufficient cause, will be
held to be presumptive evidence against them.

The object of this declaration is to place in the hands of
the military authorities power to give instantaneous effect to
the existing laws, and to supply such deficiencies as the con-
ditions of the war demand ; but it is not intended to suspend
the ordinary tribunals of the country where law will be ad-
ministered by civil officers in the usual manner, and with
their customary authority, while the same can be peaceably

The Commanding General will labor vigilantly for the
public welfiire, and, by his efforts for their safety, hopes to
obtain not only acquiescence, but the active support of the
people of the country.

(Signed,) J. C. FREMONT,

Major Ge7ieral Commanding.


Let us not for one moment lose sight of this fact. We go
into this war not merely to sustain the government and de-
fend the Constitution. There is a moral principle involved.
How came that government in danger ? What has brought
this wicked war, with all its evils and horrors, upon us?
Whence comes the necessity for this uprising of the people ?
To these questions, there can be but one answer. Slavery
HAS DONE IT. That accurscd system, which has already cost
us so much, has at length culminated in this present ruin and
confusion. That system must be put down. The danger
must never be suffered to occur again. The evil must be


eradicated, cost what it may. We are for no half-way
measures. So long as the slave system kept itself within
the limits of the Constitution, we were bound to let it alone,
and to respect its legal rights ; but when, overleaping those
limits, it bids defiance to all law, and lays its vile hands on
the sacred altar of liberty and the sacred flag of the country,
and would overturn the Constitution itself, thenceforth slave-
ry has no constitutional rights. It is by its own act an out-
law. It can never come back again into the temple, and
claim a place by right among the worshippers of truth and
liberty. It has ostracised itself, and that for ever.

Let us not be told, then, that the matter of slavery does
not enter into the present controversy — that it is merely a
war to uphold the government and put down secession. It
is not so. So far from this, slavery is the very heart and
head of this whole struggle. The conflict is between freedom
on the one hand, maintaining its rights, and slavery on the
other, usurping and demanding that to which it has no right.
It is a war of principle as well as of self-preservation; and
that is but a miserable and short-sighted policy which looks
merely at the danger and overlooks the cause ; which seeks
merely to put out the fire, and lets the incendiary go at
large, to repeat the experiment at his leisure. We must do
both — put out the fire, and put out the incendiary too. We
meet the danger efi'ectually only by eradicating the disease. —
Erie True American.


The total white population of the eleven States now com-
prising the confederacy is six million, and, therefore, to fill
up the ranks of the proposed army (600,000) about ten per
cent, of the entire white population will be required. In any
other country than our own, such a draft could not be met,
but the Southern States can furnish that number of men, and
still not leave the material interests of the country in a suf-
fering condition. Those who are incapacitated for bearing
arms can oversee the plantations, and the negroes can go on
undisturbed in their usual labors. In the North, the case is
difierent ; the men who join the army of subjugation are the
laborers, the producers, and the factory operatives. Nearly


every man from that section, especially those from the rural
districts, leaves some branch of industry to suffer during his
absence. The institution of slaverij in the South alone ena-
bles her to place iji the field a force much larger in propor-
tion to her v)hite population than the North, or indeed any
country which is dejDendent entirely on free labor. The in-
stitution is a tower of strength to the South, particularly at
the present crisis, and our enemies will be likely to find that
the " moral cancer," about which their orators are so fond of
prating, is really one of the most effective weapons employed
against the Union by the South. Whatever number of men
may be needed for this war, we are confident our people
stand ready to furnish. We are all enlisted for the war, and
there must be no holding back until the independence of the
South is fully acknowledged. — Montgomery {Ala.) Adv.


A procession of several hundred stout "t\^gro men, mem-
bers of the " domestic institution," marched through our
streets yesterday in military order, under the command of
Confederate officers. They were well armed and equipped
with shovels, axes, blankets, &c. A merrier set never were
seen. They were brimful of patriotism, shouting for Jeff.
Davis and singing war songs, and each looked as if he only


Online LibraryWilliam Lloyd] [GarrisonThe abolition of slavery → online text (page 2 of 3)