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King Henry the Fourth

Part II









Copyright, 1880 and 1898, by Harper & Brothers.

Copyright, 1904, by

henry IV. PART II.
W. P. I





This play, first edited by me in 1880, is now thor-
oughly revised on the same general plan as T/ie Mer-
chant of Venice and the other plays that have preceded
it in the new series.



Introduction to the Second Part of King Henry

THE Fourth 9

The History of the Play 9

The Sources of the Plot . . . . . . .II

General Comments on the Play . . , . .II

King Henry the Fourth. Part II 19

Induction ....,..., 21

Act I 23

Act II 45

Act III 76

Act IV . 93

Act V 128

Notes 153

Appendix 259

Comments on Some of the Characters .... 259

The Time-Analysis of the Play 263

List of Characters in the Play 265

Index of Words and Phrases Explained . . . 267


Warkworth Castle

BOOK ^^^



The History of the Play

It is almost certain that 2 Heiuy IV was written im-
mediately after i Henry IV, and before the entry of the
latter on the Stationers' Registers, February 25, 1598;^
for that entry shows that the name of Oldcastle, originally
given to the fat knight in both plays, had already been
changed to Falstaff. It was certainly written before
Ben Jonson's Every Man out of his Humour, which was
acted in 1599 ; for in that play Justice Silence is alluded
to by name.

The earliest edition of the play was a quarto printed

1 As the year did not then end until March 25, the date " February
25, 1597," on the Registers was of course Februairy 25, 1598.


lo Second Part of King Henry IV

in 1600; and in this the prefix ''Old." was accidentally
retained before one of the speeches of Falstaff (i. 2. 113) :
" Very well, my lord, very well," etc. In some copies
of the quarto the first scene of act iii is wanting. The
error seems to have been discovered after part of the edi-
tion had been printed, and was rectified by inserting two
new leaves. For these the type of some of the preceding
and following leaves was used, so that there are two differ-
ent impressions of the latter part of act ii and the begin-
ning of iii. 2.

No other edition of the play appears to have been
issued before the publication of the folio of 1623, in
which it was probably printed either from a transcript
of the original manuscript, or from a complete copy of
the quarto collated with such a transcript. " It contains
])assages of considerable length which are not found in
the quarto. Some of these are among the finest in the
play, and are too closely connected with the context to
allow of the supposition that they were later additions
inserted by the author after the publication of the quarto.
In the manuscript from which that edition was printed,
these passages had been most likely omitted, or erased,
in order to shorten the play for the stage." On the other
hand, the quarto contains several passages which do not
appear in the folio. Some of these were probably struck
out by tiie author, and others by the Master of the Revels.

The play is inferior to i Henry IV in dramatic interest,
and long ago disappeared from the stage. Furnivall
remarks: "All continuations do fall off, and this is no

Introduction 1 1

exception to the rule. How are Hotspur and the first
impressions of Falstaff to be equalled? Ev^en Shallow
cannot make up for them. There 's a quieter tone, too,
in this Part II, though the rhetorical speeches are still
kept up by Northumberland and Mowbray. The King
leads, not at the head of his army, but in his quiet prog-
ress to the grave." Verplanck, however, as will be seen
below, does not entirely agree with this estimate of the

The Sources of the Plot

As in I Henry IV, Shakespeare took the main inci-
dents of his plot from Holinshed's Chronicles and from
the old play of T/ie Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth.
The history of Henry is here continued from the battle
of Shrewsbury, July 21, 1403, to his death and the acces-
sion of Henry V in March, 141 3.

General Cojlments on the Play

Verplanck remarks : ^ " The play having been written, as
the external and internal evidence concur in showing, not
very long after the first part, when the author's mind was
filled with the characters, story, and the spirit of that, the

1 From The Illustrated Shakespeare, edited by G. C. Verplanck (New-
York, 1847). Here, as in the introduction to i Heiny IV, I make an
ex'ception to my rule in this revised edition of omitting the extended
comments from other authors quoted in the former edition, because
Verplanck's edition, having been destroj'ed by fire a few years after
publication, is out of print and not to be found in most of the hbraries.
It was the first thoroughly annotated American edition of Shakespeare,
and is still one of the best, whether American or English,

12 Second Part of King Henry IV

two together have the unity of a single drama. It is,
however, inferior to its predecessor as a work of dramatic
art, though, in my judgment, not at all so as a work of
genius. It is not so perfect as the other as an historical
tragi-comedy, as on its tragic side it has a less vivid and
sustained interest, and approaches in those scenes more
to the dramatized chronicle ; in fact, adhering much more
rigidly to historical authority, and deviating from it very
little except in compressing into connected continuous
7 actions events really separated by years. Its nobler
characters have much less of chivalric and romantic
i splendour, and its action less of stage interest and effect,
\ and its poetry far less of kindling and exciting fervour.
On this account it has long disappeared as a whole from
the stage ; but portions of it are familiar even to those
whose knowledge of Shakespeare is acquired only from
the stage, having been interwoven by Gibber, or some
other manufacturer of the ' acted drama,' into the action
of Richard III. Other portions, like the King's invo-
cation to sleep, the Archbishop's meditation on the insta-
bility of popular favour. Lady Percy's lament for Hotspur,
and the last scene between the Prince and his father, have
sunk deep into thousands of hearts, and live in the general]
memory. Noj is the entire graver dialogue unworthy of
these gems with which it is studded ; foj it is through-
out rich in thought, noble and impressive in style, and the
characters it presents are drawn, if not with the same bold
freedom and pointed invention as in the first part, yet
with undiminished truth and discrimination.

Introduction 13

" But on the comic side of the play there is no flagging
either of spirit or invention. On the contrary, the humour,
if perhaps less hvely and sparkling, is still more rich and)^^^
copious. It overflows on all sides. The return of a char-
acter of comic invention in a second part is a hard test of
originality and fertility, which even Don Quixote and Gil
Bias did not stand without some loss of the charm of our
first acquaintance with them. Falstaff"'s humour, as well
that which he exhibits in his character as that which he
utters, is more copious, more luxuriously mirthful, and —
if the phrase may be allowed — more unctuous than ever.
Those of his companions, whose acquaintance we made in
the first part, lose nothing of their droll effect ; and our
new acquaintances. Shallow, Slender, etc., are still more
amusing. The scenes in which these last figure give
us a delightful peep into the habits of the rural gentry
of old England, and, as mere history, are worth volumes
of antiquarian research. ^vCi

" Both parts of this drama, as well as its prelude, -
Richard II, and its sequel, Henry V, present a contin-
uous historical chain of revolutions, wars, conspiracies,
and rebellions. Every incident is connected with some
great political movement. Nothing can be more pic-
turesque, more lifelike, than the manner in which these
are put into action, or more like the very reality of such
things, than the ruminations, motives, conferences, coun-
sels, and contests of the princes and chiefs and their fol-
lowers. Nor does the poet allow our minds to rest on
the mere external shows of the hurried and crowded

14 Second Part of King Henry IV

scene. ilc is earnest and abundant in wise moral
teaching. The instability of all moral greatness and the
emptiness of human pomp and power — the dread re-
sponsibility of that power — the base ingratitude of the
great, and the fickleness of the masses — the independ-
ence of conscious rectitude, — all these, and other topics,
are enforced in verses that have made them the lessons
of youthful instruction and household morality wherever
the language is spoken. Yet it is very observable that,
though the facts and scenes from which these ethical
teachings arise are all in some sort pohtical, or connected
with public transactions, the speculation or admonition
is always of a personal nature, the philosophy ethical, not
political, without any thing of those larger views of
society as an organized whole, or of the conflicts of
political principles, which may be found in the Roman
dramas and elsewhere ; as, for example, in the eloquent
didactic dialogue of the strangely blended Troilus and

" This difference must be ascribed, I think, chiefly to
the different periods at which these plays were severally
produced — a circumstance which critics often overlook
in their speculations upon Shakespeare's opinions, as well
as in those upon his taste, style, and knowledge. The
plays last referred to ^ were written some time after the
accession of James I, when the great parliamentary and

1 With the exception of y«//«j- Ccssar, which, since Verplanck wrote,
has been proved to have been written before 1601, and probably as early
as 1599.

Introduction i c


national struggle against the crown first commenced —
when the royal authority and the rights of the people, in
the republican sense of the term, began to be brought
into collision — when the very principles of government
were openly canvassed ; when all those elements of the
great approaching conflict of radically differing political
opinions were fermenting in the public mind, and already
entering into the popular elections. Although parties had
not yet become finally arrayed in the distinct manner they
became in the next reign, this state of things could not
but famiharize the mind of a thinking man, however aloof
from active participation in party, to general poHtical
reflection, and to make literary and poetical references
to such topics, or exhibitions of such scenes, more
acceptable to the public taste. Hence we find in those
later dramas that the author looks more distinctly upon
man as a member of a state, upon the various forms of
civil polity, and upon the conflicts of party and revolu-
tions of government, as influenced by political opinion.
The English historical dramas, except the last one of
the series, Heitry VIII, were all written under the stern
and steady rule of EHzabeth, and the author, still young,
had grown up in a state of society where the only question
of principle which had, during the memory of that genera-
tion or their fathers, divided the nation was that of reh-
gious diff'erence; their only other notion of poHtical party
being that of the conflicts of rival houses, or of personal
ambition. It is probably fortunate, not less for the
spirited accuracy of historic delineations in these dramas

i6 Second Part of King Henry IV

than for their dramatic and poetic effect, that this was
the case.

" Even when the insurrections, revolutions, and contests
under the Plantagenets really involved or affected the prin-
ciples of freedom, and the substantial permanent rights
and happiness of the subject, they did not (unless so
far as the acquisition of Magna Charta and the subse-
quent appeals to it may be exceptions) take that form ;
but were struggles for immediate and practical objects,
the redress of pressing grievances, the defence of char-
tered rights, or the overthrow of an oppressor. The
divisions and dissensions, which, like the Wars of the
Roses, deluged England with blood, had nothing in view
beyond a change of rulers or of dynasty, neither attain-
ing nor looking to, in the result, any object of a truly
public nature, and leaving nothing to the faithful chron-
icler to record but (as old Hall says) 'what misery,
what murder, and what execrable plagues this famous
region hath suffered.'

" Into all these conflicts, calling forth high energies and
exhibiting stirring scenes and a crowd of majestic per-
sonages, the young dramatist entered with the very spirit
and sympathies of the times, naturally assimilating his
mind to that of the men of those days, and thus paint-
ing them and their deeds as they showed to their own
generation, not as they now appear to the philosophical
student of history. Thus he vehemendy asserts, in the
person of Richard II and his adherents, the indefeasible,
hereditary right of kings; but shortly after makes the

Introduction 17

successful usurper, Bolingbroke, equally ready to rebuke
rebellion and * hurly-burly innovation,' without troubling
himself to discuss the truth of the doctrine, or the pro-
priety of its application, in the mouth of either. His
business was with the passions and actions of men, not
with the principles of government ; and the Wars of the
Roses were more graphically and vividly described in the
absence of any wish or design, however indirect or remote,
to inculcate political opinion or political philosophy, of
any sort or colour."

2 HENRY TV — 2





Rumour, the Presenter.

KiNc; Henry the Fourth.

Henky, Prince of Wales, afterwards King Henry V, 1

Tho.\i.\s, Duke of Clarence, I j^j^ jqjjj^

Pkince Iohn of Lancaster, |

Pkince Hl-mi'hrey of Gloucester, J

Earl of Warwick.

Earl of Westmoreland.

Earl of Surrey.




Lord Chief-Justice of the King's Bench.

A Servant of the Chief-Justice.

Earl of Northumberland.

SCROOH, Archbishop of York.

Lord Mowbray.

Lord Hastings.

Lord Bardolph.

Sir John Colevile.

Travkrs and Morton, retainers of Northumberland.

Sir John Falstafp.

His Page.






Davy, Servant to Shallow.
.-Mouldy, Shadow, Wart, Feeble, and Bullcalf, recruits.
Fang and Snare, sheriff's officers.

Lady Northumberland.

Lady Percy.

Mistress Quickly, hostess of a tavern in Eastcheap.

Doll Tearsheet.

Lords and Attendants ; Porter, Drawers, Beadles, Grooms, &c.

A Dancer, speaker of the Epilogue.

Scene ; England.

-/ :ii^r

Entrance Tower of Warkworth Castle


Warkworth. Before the Castle

Enter Rumour, painted full of tongues

Rumour. Open your ears ; for which of you will stop
The vent of hearing when loud Rumour speaks ?
I, from the orient to the drooping west,
Making the wind my post-horse, still unfold
The acts commenced on this ball of earth.
Upon my tongues continual slanders ride,
The which in every language I pronounce.
Stuffing the ears of men with false reports.
I speak of peace while covert enmity


2 2 Second Part of King Henry IV [induction

Under the smile of safety wounds the world ; lo

And who but Biimoiir, who but only I,
Make fearful musters and prepar'd defence
Whiles the big year, swoln with some other grief.
Is thought with child by the stern tyrant War,

J. And no such matter? Rumour is a pipe

I Blown by surmises, jealousies, conjectures,

[' And of so easy and so plain a stop

i That the blunt monster with uncounted heads,

, The still-discordant wavering multitude,
Can play upon it. — But what need I thus 20

My well-known body t o anaixmiize

Among my household? Why is Rumour here?
I run before King Harry's victory.
Who in a bloody field by Shrewsbury
Hath beaten down young Hotspur and his troops,
Quenching the flame of bold rebellion
Even with the rebels' blood. But what mean I
To speak so true at firstW my office is
To noise abroad that Harry Monmouth fell
' Under the wrath of noble Hotspur's sword, 3°

And that the king before the Douglas' rage
Stoop'd his anointed head as low as death.
This have I rumour'd through the peasant towns
Between that royal field of Shrewsbury
And this worm-eaten hold of ragged stone,
Where Hotspur's father, old Northumberland,
T.ies craft y-sick. The posts come tiring on,
And not a man of them brings other news

Scene ij Second Part of King Henry IV 23

Than they have learn'd of me ; from Rumour's tongues
They bring smooth comforts false, worse than true
wrongs. \_Exit.


Scene I. The Same
E titer Lord Bardolph
Lord Bardolph. Who keeps the gate here, ho? —
The Porter opens the gate

Where is the earl ?
Porter. What shall I say you are ?
Lord Betrdolph. Tell thou the earl

That the Lord Bardolph doth attend him here.

Porter. His lordship is walk'd forth into the orchard ;
Please it your honour, knock but at the gate
And he himself will answer.

Enter Northumberland

Lord Bardolph. Here comes the earl.

\_Exit Porter.

Northumberland. What news. Lord Bardolph? every
minute now
Should be the father of some stratagem.
The times are wild ; contention, like a horse
Full of high feeding, madly hath broke loose 10

And bears down all before him.

Lord Bardolph. Noble earl,

I bring you certain news from Shrewsbury.

24 Second Part of King Henry IV [Act i

Northumberland. Good, an God will !

Lord Bardolph. As good as heart can wish.

The king is almost wounded to the death ;
And, in the fortune of my lord your son,
Prince Harry slain outright ; and both the Blunts
Kill'd by the hand of Douglas ; young Prince John
And Westmoreland and Stafford fled the field ;
And Harry Monmouth's brawn, the hulk Sir John,
Is prisoner to your son. O, such a day, 20

So fought, so follow'd, and so fairly won,
Came not till now to dignify the times
Since Caesar's fortunes !

Northumberland. How is this deriv'd? .

Saw you the field? came you from Shrewsbury?

Lord Bardolph. I spake with one, my lord, that came
from thence,
A gentleman well bred and of good name.
That freely render'd me these news for true.

Northumberland. Here comes my servant Travers,
whom I sent
On Tuesday last to listen after news.

Enter Travers

Lord Bardolph. My lord, I over-rode him on the way.
And he is furnish'd with no certainties 31

More than he haply may retail from me^

Northumberland. Now, Travers, what good tidings
comes with you?

Travers. My lord, Sir John Umfrevile turn'd me back

Scene I] Second Part of King Henry IV 25

With joyful tidings and, being better hors'd,

Outrode me. After him came spurring hard

A gentleman, almost forspent with speed.

That stopp'd by me to breathe his bloodied horse.

He ask'd the way to Chester, and of him

I did demand what news from Shrewsbury. 40

He told me that rebellion had bad luck.

And that young Harry Percy's spur was cold.

With that, he gave his able horse the head.

And bending forward struck his armed heels

Against the panting sides of his poor jade

Up to the rowel-head, and starting so

He seem'd in running to devour the way,

Staying no longer question.

Northumberland. Ha ! — Again.

Said he young Harry Percy's spur was cold?
Of Hotspur, Coldspur? that rebellion 50

Had met ill luck?

Lord Bardolph. My lord, I '11 tell you what,
If my young lord your son have not the day,
Upon mine honour, for a silken point
I '11 give my barony ; never talk of it.

Northumberland. Why should that gentleman that
rode by Travers
Give then such instances of loss?

Lord Bardolph. Who, he ?

He was some hilding fellow that had stolen
The horse he rode on, and, upon my life,
Sjooke at a venture. Look, here comes more news.

26 Second Part of King Henry IV [Act I

Entei- Morton

Northumberland. Yea, this man's brow, like to a title-
leaf, 60
Foretells the nature of a tragic volume ;
So looks the strand whereon the imperious flood
Hath left a witness'd usurpation. —
Say, Morton, didst thou come from Shrewsbury?

Morton. I ran from Shrewsbury, my noble lord,
Where hateful Death put on his ugliest mask
To fright our party.

Northiunbcrland. How doth my son and brother?
Thou tremblest, and the whiteness in thy cheek
Is apter than thy tongue to tell thy errand.
I'^ven such a man, so faint, so spiritless, 70

So dull, so dead in look, so woebegone,
Drew Priam's curtain in the dead of night,
And would have told him half his Troy was burnt ;
But Priam found the fire ere he his tongue.
And I my Percy's death ere thou report'st it.
This thou wouldst say, 'Your son did thus and thus.
Your brother thus ; so fought the noble Douglas ; '
Stopping my greedy ear with their bold deeds
But in the end, to stop mine ear indeed.
Thou hast a sigh to blow away" this praise, 80

Ending with ' Brother, son, and all are dead.'

Morton. Douglas is living, and your brother, yet ;
But, for my lord your son, —

Northumberland. Why, he is dead.

Scene I] Second Part of King Henry IV 27

See what a ready tongue suspicion hath !

He that but fears the thing he would not know

Hath by instinct knowledge from others' eyes

That what he fear'd is chanc'd. Yet speak, Morton ;

Tell thou an earl his divination lies,

And I will take it as a sweet disgrace.

And make thee rich for doing me such wrong. 90

Morton. You are too great to be by me gainsaid ;
Your spirit is too true, your fears too certain.

Northumberland. Yet, for all this, say not that Percy 's
dead. —
I see a strange confession in thine eye ;
Thou shak'st thy head, and hold'st it fear or sin
To speak a truth. If he be slain, say so.
The tongue offends not that reports his death ;
And he doth sin that doth belie the dead.
Not he which says the dead is not alive.
Yet the first bringer of unwelcome news 100

Hath but a losing office, and his tongue
Sounds ever after as a sullen bell,
Remember'd knoUing a departing friend.

Lord Bardolph. I cannot think, my lord, your son is

Morton. I am sorry I should force you to believe
That which I would to God I had not seen ;
But these mine eyes saw him in bloody state,
Rendering faint quittance, wearied and out-breath'd.
To Harry Monmouth, whose swift wrath beat down
The never-daunted Percy to the earth, no

2 8 Second Part of King Henry IV [Act I

From whence with life he never more sprung up.

In few, his death, whose spirit lent a fire

Even to the dullest peasant in his camp,

Being bruited once, took fire and heat away

Imohi the best-temper'd courage in his troops,

For from his metal was his party steel'd,

Which once in him abated, all the rest

Turn'd on themselves, like dull and heavy lead ;

And as the thing that 's heavy in itself

Upon enforcement (lies with greatest speed, 120

So did our men, heavy in Hotspur's loss,

Lend to this weight such lightness with their fear

That arrows fled not swifter toward their aim

Than did our soldiers, aiming at their safety.

Fly from the field. Then was that noble Worcester

Too soon ta'en prisoner ; and that furious Scot,

The bloody Douglas, whose well-labouring sword

Had three times slain the appearance of the king,

Gan vail his stomach and did grace the shame

Of those that turn'd their backs, and in his flight, 130

Stumbling in fear, was took. The sum of all

Is that the kin g hath won, and hath sent out

A speedy power to encounter you, my lord.

Under the conduct of young Lancaster

And Westmoreland. This is the news at full.

Northumberland. For this I shall have time enough to
\ In poison there is p bj^ic, and these news.

Having been well, that would have made me sick,

Scene I] Second Part of King Henry IV 29

Being sick, have in some measure made me well ;

And as the wretch whose f^g^er-weaken'd joints, 140

Like strengthless hinges, buckle under life,

Impatient of his fit, breaks like a fire

1 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

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