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The man from Mars; his morals, politics and religion online

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at a superficial glance to be in your own country such a
measure, in what may be generally termed your land
policy, with its homestead provisions, becomes upon a
closer examination delusive. Every one of your laws for
the pretended purpose of bestowing your territory upon
labor bears the covert design or connivance to further the
opportunities of capital. From the inauguration of your
system, capital and wealth have been gradually absorbing
your lands, and the partnership of labor in them is as
transitory and accidental as the opportunities afforded in
the early stages of your city's growth.

The fact appears that, in your present development, the
general sens6 of individual acquisitiveness among your


governing classes is too great to deal fairly with the
whole body of your people under such seductive oppor-
tunities for self- gain. You cannot prevent, under your
present system of private ownership, the lands now held
by your people from drifting into a comparatively few
hands. This process, although going on for years,
gradually accelerates, and will rapidly become apparant
when the last of your public territory shall have passed
out of the hands of your government. The owners of
your lands always have, and will continue to govern the
countries of the Earth. No representative government
can exist long without a system which prevents the
monopoly of its territory by wealth.

No other idea appears to have been held by the
founders of your nation, but that your land was a chattel,
to be disposed of for money, and as much a subject of
barter and speculation as merchandise, and like it, liable
to that depression in value which a superabundant supply
produces. Its unequalled advantages as a subject for
speculation became more and more apparent as your
population increased. It is a striking illustration of the
irrestible influence of the mercenary impulse on your
planet, that those who where prominent in establishing


SO many advances toward equalizing the conditions and
privileges of their fellowmen held, in the aggregate
among themselves, the title and possession of which they
stood ready to defend, an area of the Earth's surface
equal to about eight million of your acres, one hundred
thousand acres being in possession of him who became
the first presiding officer of your republic. I do not refer
to these facts in a spirit of censure to those men, so
enlightened and liberty loving beyond their times ; but
only to show that singular limit of vision which sincerely
proclaimed the equality of all men, which fostering a
political method which must in time enslave or pauperize
the majority.

There can be no doubt but that the unlimited privileges
of capital in these directions have greatly accelerated
your material progress. The speedy utilization of the
immense resources of your own republic has hidden and
disguised the evil it was graudally producing. The new
fields of labor opened by the many monopoly enterprises
have satisfied and quieted it ; and the open invitation, for
the time being, of a partnership with capital in the occu-
pancy of the soil for purposes of cultivation, leaves no
apparent ground of complaint among the masses who toil.


Thus have your demands for labor been so much greater
than the supply, that large accessions have been drawn
from the older countries of the Earth. These furnishing
the bone and sinew for still more rapid development, your
progress has become the wonder of the age. You will
perceive, however, that the general prosperity among all
classes of your society, and the absence of any great
public grievance, is just that condition which render the
incursions of capital and wealth easy, so that during all
your enormous accumulations by the hands of your
workers, out of which they have little to show of gain
besides their living expenses, the most stupendous
moneyed fortunes of history have fallen into the hands of
the few. Unlike the older countries of the Earth, where
the increasing poverty of the masses is a natural and
unavoidable sequence of the large accumulations of
wealth in few hands, your poor do not grow sensibly
poorer during this unequal distribution. Your enormous
resources hold up labor to a condition of comparative
prosperity during all these inroads upon it. As a conse-
quence, of the abundance which the bounties of nature
have supplied to you, and the stimulated energies which
your rewarded industries have induced, your labor uncon-


sciously submits to the extraction of an unfair portion of
the wealth it produces without individual suffering. The
better condition of your workmen compared with those
of other lands should not disguise the fact, however, that
capital and wealth get new assurance, and encouraged to
fresh demands upon the industries on this account.
Although your poor do not yet grow sensibly poorer,
your rich are getting immeasurably richer. The better
opportunities for labor have brought millions of workers
from abroad, who in their rapid development of the
country have so immensely appreciated land values that
the bosom of the Earth has been converted into a chattel
for speculation, and the chief business of wealth has been
to pocket the increase which it has not earned.

You cannot fail to have observed, that to this period your
money class has had but little to do with land in your
agricultural districts, except to buy and sell it. Capital,
other than that limited quantity which has been created
on the land, has not thus far been led into the business of
its cultivation, because from the abundance and easy
acquirement of land it must come, in so doing, in such
direct competition with labor as not to leave a satisfactory
margin of profit. When, however, your public lands


shall have been all conveyed to private hands, at which
time the price of land products will not be governed as
now by the willingness of labor to make out of their
production a mere exchange for fair wages, then, and
not till then, will you find capital embarking to any great
extent into the business of agriculture.

When this time arrives, a change in your economy will
gradually take place. The relations held by labor with
capital, which have heretofore been so modified by the
easier conditions of the former, with its abundance of free
soil to absorb its surplus, will be driven back to its old
state of greater dependence. It will no longer experience
the great advantage it has held so long in its partnership
with the fertile earth. Its depression will reduce the
earnings of innumerable monopoly schemes, and the
speculative opportunities of capital in the former rapid
rise of land values will be reduced to a minimum. The
acquirement of land for use and cultivation will then
become one of the most promising investments for capital
extant. There will be a rise in the price of food staples,
and rent for the first time in your history will enter into
them as a large element of cost.

More than one easily recognized agency of your civili-


zation will tend to reduce the number of j^our small farms,
and to throw the business of food supply completely under
the control of your wealthy and capital class. Your
small holders now occupying lands of the lower grades of
fertility, and who with their limited means but little more
than sustain themselves, will readily submit their titles to
capitalists, who with the advantage of costly labor saving
machines, will find the cultivation of a number of such
tracts thrown into one of suflScient profit to engage their

The labor saving contrivances which your ingenuity
has devised for agricultural pursuits will hasten the
demand for larger holdings, and although they greatly
cheapen the expense of production, they will not lower
the market price of food. While machinery more than
makes up for its curtailment of the services of labor, by
its cheaper supplies to it in articles of manufacture, no
such open and unrestricted competition can exist in
the supply of commodities which require, as a necessitj'
of their production, a natural agent whose possession is
in every sense of the word a monopoly.

Machinery has never cheapened the supply of raw
materials which come directly from the soil, because its


use for cultivation has only been exceptional, and it can
never become general as long as land is held in small
tracts. This very condition is the one which will engage
the attention of investors in land for the profits of use,
and at the first permanent advance in the price of your
food staples the operation of turning small farms into
large ones will begin.

The privilege and the hope of all to get possession of a
large or small portion of the earth's surface, gives to your
personal ownership system an appearance of fairness not
at variance with your popular aspirations of equality, and
the evil will not be generally admitted, until it gets to be
more seriously felt.

I am sorry to say of you that the principle of equality,
as we understand it, has never been sincerely considered
or acted upon by any of the governments of the earth.
You have taken it for granted that a serving and
dependent class, composing four-fifths of your numbers,
must always assist to make up the sum of your popula-
tion, and no legislative measure can be found in your
records which sustains this large body of your people
against the encroachments with which wealth and capital
are continually permitted to invade their interests.


lyiberty itself is of but little value, when life becomes a
forfeiture of all the ways and means to improve it.
There is, in fact, no liberty in the correct sense, where
all the moments of life must be bartered for the means
to live.

So far as your development has progressed, the senti-
ment of brotherhood, as we know it, has never intruded
itself into the spirit of your legislation. The spectacle
of four-fifths of your number toiling from sun to sun to
no purpose but that the balance may be enriched has
inspired no compassion, and evoked no measure of relief.
In the regions of your authority, where there should be
some touch of the fraternal instinct, nothing presides but
the selfish and mercenary genius of Mamnon. The
divine impulse for better things is among you, but instead
of laying out its work in the practical afifair of life, it has
been diverted into the channels of your busy but unfruit-
ful creeds. You wear your religion like a holiday
garment. We have learned to wear ours as a common

The past is burnt out, with a residue of but little value
except as a warning. The future is not ours, but of the
universe with its hidden and irrevocable destiny. The


present belongs to us, and it is our creed to be happy in
its possession. We could have sown fears as you have,
and could have been as overwhelmed with their multiplied
terrors. We could have invented a circumstantial para-
dise like yours, with its pathway of extinguished
temporal hopes, and its discouragements of the noblest
ambitions to build out of the materials in sight ; but to
what purpose except an unworthy one ? The present is
ours. Our field is among the living things which
surround us. The most of life to us is its possibilities of
happiness, and the opportunities it affords for the enjoy-
ment of our religious impulses to serve the Deity in
advancing ourselves and our society toward that state of
perfection to which under the supreme intelligence all
things are seen to tend.



A notable condition of your society compared with ours
is the tardy advance of your women from that complete
subjection to men which existed in your primary state.
It is not surprising that in your present stage of progress
the males of your race should continue to usurp many of
the privileges which came to them as an inheritance from
a savage and brutal ancestry of comparatively recent
existence, and your gradual awakening to a sense of
justice in that direction is one of the many evidences that
you are moving along on the lines marked out for you by
the divine law of evolution in thought.

We have found certain active qualities of mind, pre-
dominating everywhere in women, indispensable to a
better progress in social advancement, and great things
have been wrought to us by our present absolute equality
of the sexes. The full value of women as factors in
social progress is not known, nor even suspected by you,
because you have never witnessed the experiment of a
complete withdrawal of those restrictions which hold

214 "^^S M-^N FROM MARS.

them in subjection ; yet, it is a fact that in what are truly
the noblest advances in humanitj^ they are your superiors.
They have left further behind them the brutalisms of the
past, are deeper touched with your inhumanities, and will
go further to banish them than your men.

Your estimate of the mental capacity of women is
singularly erronious. The cropping out occasionally of
their intellectual achievements, and the marked increase
of such with the multiplication of opportunities, must
have hinted to you that their silence, and apparent inferi-
ority in the higher mental efforts, were alone due to their
long period of subordination, during which the usages of
your society have discouraged any attempts to enter the
field as competitors with men. In the full swing of
opportunity and encouragement allowed them by us, they
have raised themselves to a very high plane, especially
in literature, poetry and art. We owe to them many of our
masterpieces in these attainments, and their aptitude for
study and investigation is shown in the even place they
hold with us in science and the professions. Those femi-
nine qualities of mind which are described by you as
heart, sympathy, sentiment and emotion, and which are
generally considered by you as out of place in affairs of


State, are the very ones of which you have the greatest
need in legislation. It is principally through the feelings
mentioned that divine impulses are expressed, and yet
that part of yourselves where they most prevail are
excluded from your councils.

A model of all that is best in your governments is to
be found no where except within the family. The ready
helpfulness and equal attention to the welfare of one
another within its precincts, extended into the motives
and aims of your public policies, embrace everything
necessary to a perfect government ; yet, you have selected
out of the family for the sole direction of your public
affairs its hardest and most selfish part, its selfishness
intensified in its dealings with society beyond the confines
of home, by those absorbing paternal responsibilities —
in great measure due to the subordination of women —
which in many ways intefere with efforts for the good of
the whole.

From the nature of things your men are more easily
overcome by evil political forces than your women would
be. The latter, being more closely allied to the interests
of the family, in its moral training, and less willing to
sacrifice the benefit of example, are consequently less


corruptable than men. Women have a greater natural
affinity for virtue than men, more unselfishness and a
larger concern for the moral welfare of mankind,
exhibited in their more earnest support of religion.

With the enfranchisement of women the humanities of
life would enter more largely into your politics. You
have proofs of this in the few local instances where they
have been granted suflfrage rights. The desirable family
methods and sentiments, of which they are better expo-
nents than men, have never failed to come to the surface
as indications of their presence. They have invariably
shown a greater inclination than men to consider the
welfare of persons in legislation as against the welfare
alone of property, which has to the present so monopo-
lized and corrupted your politics. Your legislation in the
hands of men alone has accomplished but little in allevi-
ating the distresses of humanity. The cold and calcula-
ting hand of speculation, which invests only to call back
its capital with high usury, has always held your law
making as a ready instrument for its purposes, and
without loftier views, your governments will continue to
miss their opportunities for benefitting mankind. By the
admission of women the higher sentiments would sooner

the; man from mars. 217

find a place. It would be the first step in bringing
natural religion and politics together. The present
irrational state of your spiritual beliefs retards the adoption
of a moral code in your systems of government. With
you, the State is led to care for nothing in the interest of
morality, except a punishment of its infractions. It
ignores, as no part of its duties, all incentitives to good-
ness, and in dealing with crime the service of its preven-
tion, in any other way than punishment, is not considered,
principally because other departments of society have
assumed for ages the public control and promotion of the

A wider range in the duties of government is opposed
by many of you as objectionable paternalism. Such of
you overlook the fact that there can be no paternalism in
a republic. Such a system is co-operation pure and
simple, and neither good nor evil can permanently exist
without the consent of the whole. The nearer you get
to complete co-operation, the more perfect your govern-
ment becomes. The greatest vices of misgovernment
among you are to be found in granting precedence of one
interest over others, that interest in most cases being a
capitalistic one, often antagonizing the welfare of many


individuals. Among your industrial class, less than one-
tenth are employers, whose political weight has so over-
come the majority as to have excluded any direct legisla-
tion in its behalf, and so far as these conditions exist, the
principle of co-operation which should be the corner
stone of your government has not been faithfully carried
out. A greater, and in our view, a more glaring violation
of this principle is your exclusion of women from the
rights of representation in your government. You can-
not deny that they have separate interests to care for.
You will find upon examination of your assessment rolls
that nearly one-fifth of all your real and personal estate is
owned by them, and of the greater part of the balance
they are interested by matrimonial partnerships with men.
Their property ownerships alone entitle them to the rights
of suffrage, in the denial of which you have no excuse
whatever but the usage and custom of barbaric ages
extended to the present, and the predjudice of a societj'
grown familiar and blinded to its injustice. The struggles
of labor for better recognition, and the agitation for
woman suffrage are evolutionary movements in thought,
and in yovir advanced government indicate the coming of
a more perfect co-operation.


The political subjection of women, and the subjection
of labor helplessly to the law of supply and demand, with-
out legislative assistance or attention, are at present your
most prominent relics of barbarism. They are both
endured because the parties to be benefitted have never
yet enjoyed the privileges due them. Neither one or the
other are consequently aroused to action in their own
behalf, and when these rights are acquired by them it
will be more owing to an enlightened public opinion than
to any concerted action by themselves. It is well known
that your slaves had little to do with the abolition of
slavery, and it is therefore not a proper argument against
the granting of these privileges that the persons to be
benefitted are not all clamoring for them ; or that, in the
case of woman suffrage, a large majority of women are
indifferent and a few opposed.

The subjection of women to men in all the political
and business affairs of life have greatly modified the
characters of both. You have confined the lives of your
women to innumerable small details. Her aspirations
and powers have been confined within this narrow scope.
The absorbtion of their whole minds has been in a set of
small ideas and occupations, from one to the other in


continuous exercise. In such a life profound thought
and loftier emotions are not encouraged. They have but
little incentive to the acquirement of general knowledge,
for it can be of no practical use to them, and being early
impressed with a sense of their dependence upon men,
their lives are given up to all the small devices for obtain-
ing power over them in the sensuous fields of personal
adornment and display. Theirs, as well as other human
minds, must be shallowed under such conditions ; yet of
the two sexes their duties are the most serious and
responsible in shaping the destinies of mankind. Theirs
is the chief part in the forming of minds, both by heredity
and training, and with their limited opportunities for
broadened thought you can look for nothing more in
them than those narrow predj udices, which are in turn
transmitted, and which are so manifest in all your society.
This narrowness is one of your most unhappy traits ; it
is almost universal among you. Until quite recently you
have only had a man here and there capable and willing
to fairly examine a question which interferes with tradi-
tional beliefs and old modes of thought. You have
formed no conception of how much this state of things is
due to the limited mental horizon in which your women


have been confined. The intellects of your best men
have not been multiplied and reproduced as they should
have been, owing to the loss of their strength and fibre
in the process of reproduction, through your average
non-high thought producing female minds.

The extended barbaric relations which your women
hold to men, though greatly modified by civilization, has
carried with it enough of its primary feelings and motives
to influence a large majority of your matrimonial engage-
ments, where in truth, it may be said that the attraction
is sensual to a degree not willingly acknowledged, and
this being more and more the case as you descend in the
social scale, you will find here your women going through
life helplessly subject to the lingering brutalism which
your customs and laws enforce. It is from the animalism
of these low life marriages that a large sum of your
miseries and crimes are produced. Your inferior men
have but little respect for those subject to their power,
and in many cases use a tyranical authority over their
defenseless wives in gratification of a mean instinct of
humanity. It is the only oppontunity perhaps that brutal
husbands enjoy in their whole lives to command a grown
person who is under an obligation by law, custom and


religion to obey. Such a dangerous subjection of one
human being to another could only be excused by a
certainty that the welfare of your society depended upon
it, when in fact the condition is one of the obstacles to a
better social state.

During your barbaric period, and for a long time there-
after, women made no protest against her subordinate
position in society. It has been her place for ages to
suffer more than her share of the pains and trials
of human replenishment. She has been taught to
believe that this was her only part in the world's economy,
and men have held her to it by all the force of ecclesiastical
and secular bonds. In all your glorious modern achieve-
ments of science and general knowledge until lately she
has not even been an invited spectator. While the world
in front has been all astir in the movements of progress,
she has only been permitted to listen and wonder at the
applause through the rear windows of the nursery and
kitchen ; not knowing what it all meant and not educated
to approve, or even to understand, its glorious import.
Having never been accustomed to think on any great
subject, she has held to her traditions after they have
been discredited and denied by the knowledge of her


times, and imparting them to childhood in all their ancient
mixture of error has assisted to keep aljve those predju-
dices among you which have so seriously blocked your
advancement. This is one of the penalties you have paid

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Online LibraryWilliam SimpsonThe man from Mars; his morals, politics and religion → online text (page 11 of 14)