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tia laudem peperit. Ille misericordia annis decem.' Hob. de Monte, 939 ;

conspicuus, iste justitia. Ille misero- R. Coggeshall, c. 857. ' Magnanimitas

rum et male meritorum refagium, iste nullo tempore simtinuit esse non

supplicium. Ille malorum clypeus, actuosa ' ; p. 447, in vol. R. S.


he does in other respects above them. The delight of victory, as a
ruling passion, is less degrading to a king, and a cause of less shame
and suffering to his subjects, than the sordid passions of avarice and
lust, to which the first two Henries, in spite of their sagacity and
superior mental power, were wretchedly enslaved.

The great blot on Richard's character, as a ruler, was his wanton
disregard of good faith in regard to money, for which his military
exigencies gave occasion, but of which they afford no excuse. The
engagement that he would not have dreamed of forfeiting with a
brother warrior sat light upon him when it involved his faith to a
powerful bishop or a rich abbey, or a promise to an urgent influential
suitor. The bargains that he made before the Crusade, for the sale
of office and dignity, 1 were not in themselves more disgraceful than
much else that prevailed in the public administration of the times ;
but the utter unscrupulousness exhibited in the repudiation of
promises and agreements after the money was received reminds one
of nothing more honourable than the dealings of the Turkish
government with its pashas, and of the pashas with their subjects. 2

The relations of Richard with Henry II. can hardly be looked
upon as those of a son with his father. He was brought up as the
heir of his mother's house, 3 and among a people more alive to her
wrongs than to her crimes. He had to endure what of all things is
most intolerable to an impetuous mind, to be made a tool of by his
father for purposes in which he had himself no interest. Alternately
the puppet and the victim of Henry's policy, betrothed for a political
purpose to a wife whom he was not allowed to marry, 4 credibly
certified that his father had not scrupled to sacrifice her to his own
lust, 5 as he had sacrificed his son's happiness to the mere desire of
acquiring territory, he might with reason look on Henry as the
source of constant misfortune and misery to him ; the persecutor of
his mother, the seducer of his betrothed wife, the instigator of the

1 Of. Palgrave, preface to the Botuli bably the cause of his vices, he was
Curies Regis, i. xli, and the authori- twice betrothed by his father, first in
ties there quoted : Benedict of Peter- 1159 to a daughter of Raymond
borough and Richard of Devizes. Berenger, count of Barcelona (Rob. de

2 His conduct to Stephen de Marzai Monte, p. 892), to whom Trivet gives
and Ranulf Glanvill, as recorded by perhaps confusedly the name of Be-
Richard of Devizes, are capital illus- rengaria (p. 46), and again in 1183 to
trations ; ed. Stephenson, pp. 6, 7. a daughter of Frederick Barbarossa,

3 ' Provida patris dispositione, pa- who died shortly after. Hoveden,
ternae nomen renuens, maternse stirpis 355 V.

honorem statim adeptus.' Girald. 5 Hoveden, 392 : ' In uxorem ducere

De Inst. Pr., 104. nulla ratione possit, quia rex Anglise

4 Besides the wretched betrothment pater suus earn cognoverat et filium
to Alesia of France, in 1168 (Joh. ex ea genuerat, et ad hoc probandum
Salisb. ep. 244), which was the burden multos produxit testes, qui parati
of his life from 1174 to 1191, and pro- erant modis omnibus hoc probare.'



hostility of his brothers could claim indeed the allegiance of a feudal
inferior, but had little right to the affection of a son. Nor was the
tempter wanting. Philip was shrewd enough to take advantage of
the character and circumstances of his neighbour, and to use him as
the instrument of his own unscrupulous enmity against his father.
If all this cannot be regarded as an excuse for Richard's unfilial
conduct, it may, coupled with the consideration of his youth at the
time when he was first led into the attitude which, during Henry's
life, he more or less maintained, and with the sincerity of his
repentance, be allowed in mitigation of that condemnation which has
generally been visited upon his fault.

To such a man as Richard a new Crusade offered a prospect full
of charm : countless battles to fight and fortresses to take ; enemies
ready to hand in endless plenty, and those enemies worth conquering,
in the view of temporal and spiritual glory : a sovereign of mature
age and acknowledged reputation to humble ; a knight, 1 moreover,
and one who prided himself on not being outdone by the Christian
chivalry in their own favourite virtues of honour and courtesy : a
quarrel long ago inveterate and which need never be reconciled ; a
battle-field whose associations of holiness and reverence were, perhaps,
to Richard's mind equalled by its fame in romance and in the true
history of its knightly conquerors : great fame to rival, and, perhaps,
greater yet to gain ; and with the persuasion all the while that he
was at once winning salvation by fighting God's battles and follow-
ing the occupation he loved best in all this there was temptation
to the Lion-heart. Now he might put to proof the knowledge that
he had all his life been gaining, without having his triumph shortened
by the intrigues of politicians or by the obligation of taking fair terms
as from a Christian foe. For the feud between Christ and Mahomet
was an eternal one, and the limits that usage and mutual forbearance
placed on struggles between Christian princes had no existence when
the adversary to be humbled was an enemy of both God and man.
It was a struggle in which there could be no failure, for he was on

1 See p. 9 (vol. R. S.), where it for knighthood to a Chistian does not

is said that Saladin was knighted by appear, as some institution of the kind

the Constable Henfrid of Toron. The seems to have existed among the

French romance in which Saladin is Moslems. The Emir Karakoush, by

made the son of the countess of Pon- an anachronism equal to that of the

thieu, and which is followed by the French romance, is said by R. de

Chranique d'Outrenier, makes him Diceto, 654, to have been knighted by

apply for knighthood to Hugh of S. Kerbogha at the siege of Antioch.

Omer, lord of Tiberias. Histoirc We find a son of Saphadin knighted

Litttraire de In France, xxi. 681. by King Richard (vol. R. S. p. 825) ; so

But Hugh of 8. Omer died in 1107. thivt probably the value attached by

Will. Tyr. p. 798. He was the founder the Saracens depended rather on the

of Toron, which fact perhaps misled character of the bestower than on the

the romancer. Why Saladin applied nature of the rite.


the side of the God of battles, in Whose service is perfect freedom,
and for Whom to perish is itself a most glorious victory. How very
different an undertaking he found really awaited him, and how soon
he was undeceived, we learn from a comparison of the work before
us with Bohadin's Life of Saladin.

Viewed side by side with the Saladin of history, Eichard does not
appear to advantage, though doubtless the inferiority is less than
when he is compared with the hero of romance or the figment of
historical unfairness. The superiority of Saladin seems to have been
rather in his character as a man than as a warrior or a ruler.
Richard was a Christian, Saladin a Moslem ; and we must judge the
latter by a more lenient standard, although the example of S. Lewis
and Edward I. had not yet taught the Western princes that a good
man may be a good king. In many respects there was a likeness
between the two ; both were generous, liberal, and honourable ; both
were famous captains, although Richard's exploits in war were far
above Saladin' s ; both were men of more cultivated mind than were
most of their fellows. The extravagances and cruelties of both were
on a like scale, and on the same principles. But we look in vain in
Richard for the profound love of truth and justice which were in
Saladin. Otherwise most of the differences were such as are at-
tributable to the different temperaments of East and West. Richard
used force where Saladin used contrivance. Richard was rude where
Saladin was courteous. Richard was haughty and impatient where
Saladin was patient and prudent. The circumstances in which these
differences were exemplified were similar ; both had to deal with
great hosts of divided and jealous warriors. The result showed that
Saladin's treatment of his allies was wiser than Richard's, and that
decided the struggle between them. Saladin was a good heathen,
Richard a bad Christian ; set side by side there is not much to choose
between them ; judged each by his own standard there is very much.
Could they have changed faith and place, Saladin would have made
a better Christian than Richard, and Richard, perhaps, no worse
heathen than Saladin ; but Saladin's possible Christianity would
have been as far above his actual heathenism as Richard's possible
heathenism would have been above his actual Christianity.

* * * * -* *

The condition of Palestine had been a source of sorrow and
shame to Christendom for more than four hundred years before the
first Crusade. 1 The capture of Jerusalem by Chosroes in 614 was

1 Jerusalem was taken by Chosroes was taken by the Turks about 1077 ;

in 614 ; recovered by Heraclius in628 ; covered by the Fatimite Caliph, 1096 ;

taken by Omar in 637 ; fell into the taken by Godfrey, July 15, 1099.

hands of the Fatimite Caliphs about 969; Our author, at p. 22 (R. S.), states that


the decisive sign that told the East what had been long known in
the West, that the power of the Roman Empire had come to an end.
It had shared the fate of all empires founded and built up as it had
been by warlike aggression. It was not luxury alone that destroyed
it, for the period of its greatest licence was also that of its widest
sway ; but the energies that had been strong, so long as new worlds
remained to be conquered, became weak and ineffective in triumphant
peace. The time came for defence, but no power of defence was
found, only the walls that the sons of the builders were too weak to
man, and engines which answered to no hands less skilful or less
mighty than theirs who framed them. The Moslem power was
victorious, not because it was irresistible, but because there was
nothing to resist it. The spasmodic effort by which Heraclius was
enabled to recover Palestine from the Persians was over when the
greater foe came, and the fanatical hosts before whom the Persian
himself had fallen.

During those four centuries it had been almost an impossibility
for either East or West to attempt a rescue. The Byzantine state
had had more than enough to do to maintain its existence against
external enemies ; and the West was passing through that Medean
caldron from which it was to rise renewed and strengthened for
fresh strifes. Meanwhile the city of God lay waste, and the
abomination of desolation standing in the holy place seemed to be a
sign of the approaching end of the world. When the tenth century
closed without the expected arrival of the judgment day, and
Christendom saw before it a long prospect of extension and glory
under its new lease of life, the thoughts of men turned quickly
towards Palestine. Pilgrimages began to multiply. It was no
longer here and there that a stray palmer, a monk or bishop from
the West, having overcome strange difficulties and undergone
strange adventures, returned, one out of a thousand, to tell of the
sad state of the ' Land of Pilgrimage.' Great bands organised their
expeditions together ; and when they came home they reported that,
although the conduct of the pagans to strangers was as cruel and
oppressive as ever, their power, for the same reason that the power
of Rome had fallen, was approaching its fall, and what had been

it bad been in tbc bands of tbe Turks quadringentos sbould be read. Tbc

for forty years wben Godfrey took it ; passage is otherwise confused in all

\Villiam of Tyre (p. 633) says 88 ; tbe MSS. : two of them make the

either this is a mistake, or refers to occupation by the Christians to have

some short unrecorded occupation by lasted 9(i years instead of 89 ; and tbe

the Turks about 1000. It is to be ob- other two place the date of the capture

served, however, that the word used is in 11H8 instead of 1187. The same

not Turks but Gentiles, which leads to confusion of the well-known date is

a suspicion that for ' quadraginta ' found at p. 5 (R. 8.).


lost in the paralysis of imperial energy might be regained by a
united effort of Western feudalism.

At the time, however, that the East was ripe for conquest the
West was not ready to reap it. Jerusalem changed masters, but it
fell into the hands of the Turks, not of the Christians. And it was
not until nearly thirty years after that the Western powers were
roused to united action, or even able to entertain the idea of a joint
expedition. The European states had by that time emerged from
chaos. The quarrels of Henry IV. with the popes had not availed
to shatter the sturdy strength of the German Csesarship. England
and Normandy were powerful under the policy of the Conqueror, and
the French kings were not strong enough as yet to initiate that
system of aggression which has created modern France. The
popular fervour seconded the politic designs of the princes : the cir-
cumstances of the Holy City, which had for a moment been rescued
from the Turks by its old tyrants the Fatimite Caliphs, were excep-
tionally favourable ; and the careful wisdom and chivalrous prowess
of Godfrey of Bouillon guided the warriors of the first Crusade to
their goal. Jerusalem once more became Christian, and the
reproach of four centuries was wiped away.

Unfortunately, Godfrey did not live to consolidate the state that
he had founded, and his successors, although brave and accomplished
warriors, were quite incompetent to fill a place that required its
occupants to be heirs of his statesmanship even more than of his
prowess. Circumstances were so far favourable that for half the
term of its allotted life no Saracen leader appeared strong enough,
or sufficiently supported by the tribes of the East, to demolish the
fabric that was being erected by the Frank powers, as quickly as it
was raised. Although the impulse of the first Crusade was
sufficient to maintain the little colony so long, it was not free from
the natural process of relaxation ; and the very forces from which it
resulted contained the elements of disruption. But the actual fall
of the Frank kingdom is chiefly to be attributed to the evils inherent
in an attempt to colonise Palestine on feudal principles, although
the determination of the time of its fall was due to the cessation of
those divisions among the Mahometan nations which had rendered its
existence possible. It is necessary for the understanding of the book
before us to go briefly into detail as to these internal defects, which
reached their climax of injurious operation in the history here recorded.

The conquest of Palestine did not immediately result from the
capture of Jerusalem ; it had to be occupied city by city, and when
so occupied to be kept in order by the erection throughout its
extent of a system of strong forts. Under ordinary circumstances
and in the face of a united resistance, such a tenure would have


been impossible. How wonderful it was that tbe kingdom lasted so
long as it did appears from the way in which the whole fabric,
raised with such pains, fell before Saladin after the battle of Hittin.
One victory then decided the fate of the colony, but it was almost
the only regular victory which the Saracens gained during the
century. They could occasionally by overpowering numbers or by
surprise humble and disperse the Frank armies ; but it almost seems
that a consciousness of their inability to fight a pitched battle with
any chance of victory was, as much as their disunited and dis-
organised condition, the reason why they preferred an inch by inch
defence of their strongholds.

At the time of Godfrey's death (July 18, 1100) very little besides
the city of Jerusalem and the communications with the coast and
the Imperial dominions were in the hands of the Franks. The
principality of Antioch was held by Bohemond, and Baldwin was in
possession of Edessa ; the proper defences of Palestine were, how-
ever, in the hands of independent Moslem emirs. The city of
Ramlah had fallen before Godfrey on his way to Jerusalem ; the
Christians of Bethlehem had made common cause with him before
the siege ; but after the capture of the capital, Ascalon, the key of
Syria towards the south, had successfully resisted his arms, and the
city of Arsuf had been made tributary only after three sieges.
Hebron, Tiberias, Naplous (which had been occupied by Tancred), and
Joppa, had been rebuilt and fortified ; and Haipha was being besieged
at the time of Godfrey's death. The limits of his conquests were
thus circumscribed, partly because of his wish to remain as long as
possible on friendly terms with the emirs on the coast, and partly in
consequence of the jealousies of his fellow leaders ; but the great reason
was undoubtedly the insufficiency of the force at his command to
conquer and hold the cities. It was imperatively necessary that
he should be able to maintain himself in the field : the acquisition
of further territories must be left until the news of the conquest had
brought from Europe fresh hosts of crusaders whose zeal for the
cause or for their own interests could be utilised in that direction.
Godfrey died before this took place, and the task fell to his two
immediate successors.

Baldwin I. (1100-1118) availed himself of the help of those
pilgrims whom either commercial enterprise or more exalted motives
brought to Palestine, to extend the conquest. With the aid of the
Venetians Haipha was taken 1100; in 1101 the fleets of Genoa
and Pisa co-operated in the capture of Arsuf and Ctesarea ; Acre fell
before the Genoese in 1104, Byblus ' and Tripoli in 1109 ; the

1 The city of Byblus or Bihlium, into a lordship for the family of the
Jebeil, which was made by the Genoese Ebriaci, must not be confounded with


Pisans took Berytus in 1110, and Sidon was captured the same year
by the aid of King Sigurd and the Norwegians. Tancred in the mean-
time was seizing the towns of Antioch and Cilicia, Adana, Mamistra,
Tarsus, Laodicea, Atsareb, and Sardana. The conquests of Baldwin
II. were chiefly in the north of Syria ; but his reign was marked by
the capture of Tyre by the forces of the kingdom whilst he himself
was in captivity, in 1124, and by that of Paneas in 1128. Ascalou
did not yield before 1153, when the tide had already turned against
the Crusaders ; Edessa had been taken by Emadeddin Zenghi in
the year 1143, which, as it was in point of time the central year of
the Christian occupation, marks also the moment at which their
good fortune began to decline.

During this period of progress the defence of the country had
been secured by the erection of fortresses at Scandalion ! and Toron, 2
in the north of the kingdom, and at Montreal 3 in the south, under
Baldwin I. ; and at Beit-Nuba, 4 Beit-Gebrin, 5 Kerak, 6 Ibelin, 7 and
Tel-es-safieh 8 under Fulk. The military orders had several other
strongholds, of the precise date of whose erection we have no record,
especially Merkeb 9 in the north of Syria, Kaukab Io and Latroon ll
belonging to the Hospitallers ; and Safed, 12 Merle, 13 and the Cave of

Gabala, or Jebleh, in the principality
of Antioch, which is mentioned below,
p. 333. They seem to be the Gabelct
magnum and parvum of Benedict of

1 Scandalion, Iskandcriina, under
the Ladder of Tyre, was fortified by
Baldwin I. in 1116. W. Tyr. 815;
Fulcher of Chartres, 427.

2 Toron, the ancient and modern
Tibnin, was founded by Hugh of
S. Omer, lord of Tiberias, in 1107,
and soon after became the fief of
Henfrid, father of the Constable. W.
Tyr. 798. It is about 13 miles to the
east of the Ladder of Tyre.

3 Montreal. See below, p. 333, note 7.

4 Beit-Nuba, the fort of which,
Castel Arnald, was founded by the
Patriarch William (1130-1144) in
1132, lies on the direct way from Joppa
to Jerusalem. It was identified by
the Crusaders with Nob. W. Tyr. p.

'> Beit-Gebrin, or Ibelin of the Hos-
pitallers, anciently Eleutheropolis, was
founded by the patriarch in 1134.
W. Tyrt 865. See in vol. R. S. p. 360,
note 9. Pauli, Codice Diplomatico, i.
18, 46.

" Kerak, see below, p. 333, note 7.

7 Ibelin, anciently Jabneh, now
Ycbiia, 11 miles S.W. of Joppa, was
founded in 1142, and given to Baliun
the old. W. Tyr. 886.

s Tel-es safieh, or Blancheguard,
founded in 1143. W. Tyr. 886.

9 Merkeb, or Margat, was on the
northern frontier of the county of
Tripoli, on the coast. W. Tyr. 738 ;
Ansbert, p. 5. Crach of the Hospi-
tallers, in the same region (W. Tyr.
1017), is now Hesn-al-Akrad. See
Robinson, Later Bibl. Researches, p.

10 Kaukab, called by the Crusaders
Coquet, Coket, Cuschet, and more
commonly Beauvoir or Belvoir, now
Kaukab-el-Hawa, lies among the
mountains, near Jordan, between
Bethshan and Tiberias. W. Tyr.
1027 ; Pauli, Codice Diplomatico Ac.,
i. 4, 7, 32; Bohadin, pp. 76, 88;
Fulch. Chart. 381; Cartulary of the
Holy Sepulchre, ed. Roziere, pp. 226,

11 Latroon, see in vol. R. S. p. :>68,
note 1.

12 Safed, 7 miles N.W. of the sea of
Galilee. W. Tyr. 1027; Ansbert, p. 6.

1:1 Merle, see in vol. R. S. p. 255. Not
far from Merle was the Castle of Pil-


the Temple ' to the Templars. That which had hitherto been a
matter of precaution became now a necessity ; Gaza * was restored b\
Baldwin III., Darum 3 on the Egyptian frontier by Amalric, and
Castel-neuf 4 and Jacob's Ford under Baldwin IV. The lord of Sidon
also had built himself a fortress at Belfort, 5 and the lord of Ibelin at
Mirabel. 6

From the year 1164, in which Paneas fell for the third timt-
into the hands of Noureddin, the Christian power quickly waned.
The brilliant victories of Amalric and Baldwin the leper, the astute-
ness of Reginald of Chatillon, the veteran wisdom of Henfrid th
constable, the devoted valour of the military orders, staved off for
a time but could not hinder the inevitable end. Europe had proved

grims, also belonging to the Temple,
now Athlit. Ben. Peterb. ii. 488 ; As-
sizes, i. 420.

1 Cava or Spelunca Templariorum
lay beyond Jordan, on the confines of
Arabia. W. Tyr. 962. Bohadin, p.
32, calls it Acapha in the desert.

- Gaza was fortified in 1152 and
given to the Templars. W. Tyr. 917.

1 Darum, see in vol. R. S. p. 318.

4 Castel-neuf, or Nigra Guarda
(perhaps Kulat-Hunin, near Paneas),
was built by the Constable Henfrid
shortly before his death. W. Tyr.
942, 1014.

* Belfort now Shakif-Arnun, 8
miles N.W. of Paneas ; belonged to the
lord of Sidon. Assizes, i. 420; W.
Tyr. 1015 ; in vol. R. S. p. 63 ; Bohadin,
p. 89, &c.

Mirabel (cf. W. Tyr. 918, 1009 ; in
vol. R. 8. pp. 307, 324, below ; Pauli, Co-
dice Dipl. i. 236; Bohadin, pp. 187, 228;
Ansbert, p. 4 ; Cartulary of the Holy
Sepulchre, p. 132) was identified by
Wilken in his ' Comment, de Bell.
Crucial.' with the Masjdeljaba of Boha-
din, from a comparison of the mention
of the capture of the two places as
given in Abulfeda, Excerpta, p. 41,
and in the Chron. Terras Sanctse,
p. 55<J ; but as the circumstances are
so discrepant, he does not seem to
have approved on afterthoughts of
the conjecture. It is impossible, how-
ever, to find another place that answers
as well. It would seem from a grant
of Balian I. to the Hospitallers that
Mirabel was north of Ramlah and
Il>elin (at least the other places
spfoinwl in the same grant were so,)
and from an exchange between Hugh
of Ibfflin, the Church of the Holv

Sepulchre, and the abbot of 88. Joseph
and Habakkuk, that it was near the
latter monasteries. (See in vol. R. S.
p. 285, note 2 ; Cartulary of the Holy
Sepulchre, ed. Roziere, pp. 132, 133)
Masjdeljaba also is mentioned by
Bohadin, as Mirabel is by our author,
in vol. R. S. p. 324, as not demolished
after the battle of Arsuf.

Besides these there were among
the less famous castles of Palestine,
Faba or la Feve, now El-Fuleh, in the

Online LibraryWilliam StubbsHistorical introductions to the Rolls series → online text (page 42 of 68)